Ladies and Gentlemen,

It is an honor and a great privilege to be here in Fort Leavenworth today. Ever since I worked at NATO as the Director of the Private Office to Secretary Generals, Manfred Woerner, Willy Claes and Javier Solana, Fort Leavenworth and its highly professional team has been a household name for me.

Since I came to Washington DC three years ago, I always wanted to come and see for myself. So I am glad it worked out. Although, I must say, I was shocked to learn on the way that I'll miss the famous "Oktoberfest on post" here by two days. I think once I’m back in Washington I will have a serious conversation with my scheduler.

Anyway, thank you very much for the opportunity to talk with you today here in the Marshall Auditorium. There could not be a more appropriate hall for Germany’s Ambassador to speak in than the one named after General George C.Marshall – especially in this year, 2009.

Twenty years ago, the world witnessed historic change in Europe.  An ever growing number of people in East Germany and other parts of Central Europe took to the streets and in a peaceful revolution demanded freedom and democracy. I remember vividly how I watched and how the U.S. troops in Germany watched – as a jubilant crowd gathered on both sides of the Berlin Wall a few weeks later. Men, women and children from West Berlin and from East Berlin, came together. It was the ninth of November 1989 and the Berlin Wall had just come down.

The Cold war came to an end and with it the painful division of Europe which had lasted for more than 40 years: - without a single shot fired - the greatest achievement of our North Atlantic Alliance.

1989 is one of those dates which mark decisive turning points in history: like 1648, 1789, 1914 or 1945.

November 1989 marked the beginning of a new era, a new era of freedom for all Germans, all Europeans. The vision became reality - freedom without walls - Europe whole and free.

We Germans know - and we haven't forgotten - that this joyous historic day – that freedom – would not have been possible without our American friends and without the man whose name this auditorium bears.

George C. Marshall led the effort to rebuild Europe after the devastating Second World War. He knew that reconstruction and cooperation were the best way to overcome the ghosts of the past. He knew this would make the world a safer place. He knew that his plan would bring former adversaries together and turn them into allies and – over time – into friends.

The Marshall Plan was the catalyst for the truly amazing transformation German-American relations have undergone over the past 60 years. Today, Germans stand side by side with Americans to take on the most formidable challenges to the world’s stability and security. This transformation - from recipients of Marshall aid to America’s close friend and ally - is also visible on a larger scale: According to State Department figures, some 75% of the resources the Unites States spends for its military and diplomatic presence in Europe today are not directed towards actual programs in Europe, but rather towards joint transatlantic efforts to address challenges to stability around the globe. This brings us to a place where – perhaps more than anywhere else – our shared values and our shared security are at stake: to Afghanistan.

I know many of you have served in Afghanistan, maybe even side by side with German troops. Some 4250 are there - the third largest contingent after the US and the UK. I’m sure I could learn a lot from you about Afghanistan and our joint mission there. That’s why I’m looking forward to our discussion later on. But let me say that I am humbled by your determination and your personal commitment. You’ve been in harm’s way; you and your families have made great sacrifices for our joint security – a security many Germans and Americans take for granted. No one in this room needs to be reminded - especially five days after the anniversary of September 11 - that we must not let Afghanistan become a haven for terrorists again, threatening our security, our way of life, and our values.

Afghanistan is a prime example of how the character of international conflict has changed in our increasingly interdependent world. It illustrates that no country, no matter how powerful, can successfully counter today’s threats alone. These threats do not stop at borders. Our strategies must take this into account. We are in this together - we must act together. And only cooperation at all levels will enable us to succeed.

We - America, Germany, and our allies have been engaged in Afghanistan for eight years now. I know: This is a long time, and the publics’ patience begins to wear thin. Yet you all know as well as I do: The reasons why we started our engagement eight years ago are just as valid today.

And just as important: We have achieved vital progress. After all, Afghanistan was a devastated country in 2001, as a result of decades of war, internal conflict, and the Taliban’s reign of terror. Our joint engagement has brought back a remarkable degree of security, development, and individual freedom to the Afghan people. Today, 85 % of the Afghan population lives within reach of a hospital or a medical professional. Thousands of miles of new or repaired roads have been built that greatly facilitate economic growth. The number of students attending schools has increased sevenfold, universities have reopened –we all know that access to education is the key to success in the long run. And we are talking here about a country where human beings were stoned to death and women deprived of freedom and dignity, where music was banned – only eight years ago. So don’t let anyone tell you we failed: Every single farmer who can now make a living for his family by ploughing his land once scattered with land mines, every single child who can now attend school and learn to read and write without fear, every woman who can work, every hospital, every mile of a new street is a victory for the Afghan people.

All the progress achieved reminds us that Afghanistan is far more than a mere theatre of battle in which to fight – it is a place of strategic opportunity:

• It is an opportunity to make America and Europe and our friends in the world safer by winning Afghanistan as a lasting friend and ally in a strategically critical region of the world.

• It is an opportunity to help establish a moderate Muslim country based on a democratic constitutional order and to bring dignity and a better life to millions of Afghans.

• And – in a regional perspective but equally in our interest – it is an opportunity to establish a land bridge of trade, energy transmission lines, and travel routes between South and Central Asia, two regions that were virtually disconnected until 2001.

But you all know this is only one side of reality, we must not fool ourselves. In the past months we have been painfully reminded that these successes are not irreversible. The situation has become increasingly difficult; the overall security situation has deteriorated. The conduct of the recent presidential elections leaves us concerned as well. We hope that the final election results – once allegations of fraud have been properly examined and dealt with – will have sufficient credibility so that Afghans have confidence in the legitimacy of their future leadership.

In addition, the Afghan Government – even with the help of the international community – has not yet been able to sufficiently tackle the scourges of corruption and narcotics production and trade.

The Taliban seem to grow stronger and have started to act more assertively. They try to undo the reconstruction efforts, they try to create a climate of fear, they try to reinstate their rule of terror.

So what can we do to counter these increased threats?

Germany has long promoted the so-called “comprehensive approach”. And we are pleased that the U.S. under the command of General McCrystal now shares this approach. This means we need a coordinated mix of instruments covering every aspect of Afghan life: military, police, justice, economic development, governance – all while mindful of Afghanistan’s historic and cultural setting. This is easier said than done, I am well aware. You all have – as have I – plenty of experience dealing with so-called interagency processes. I know how difficult it can get. We are truly dealing with a large number of players here: Afghans, the UN, countless NGOs, NATO, development agencies, other partner countries, soldiers, civilians, politicians…Yet, as difficult as it is - it is the most promising way forward.

We are pursuing three main objectives with our comprehensive civilian-military engagement. First, we are helping Afghanistan to improve the quality of life of its population. Second, we are taking part in the international community‘s efforts to guarantee regional stability and security in a difficult environment. Above all, however, we are defending our own security interests by helping to contain global fundamentalist extremism. Afghanistan must never again become a safe haven for terrorists, who want to destroy the open society worldwide.

Let me tell you what is – in my view – the most compelling example of how effective a Comprehensive Approach can be. According to German and Afghan estimates, there are around 1,500 irreconcilable, hard-core terrorists in Afghanistan. If we are able to narrow the Afghan insurgency down to that number, the Afghan National Army alone [current target size: 134,000] – once fully trained – will roughly outnumber it by almost 100 to 1 and our military job in Afghanistan will be done. But in order for this to happen, we will have to convince the Taliban’s countless foot soldiers who merely joined the fight because of coercion, a lack of perspective and economic opportunity or simply a sense of abandonment to split from the insurgency and side firmly with Afghanistan’s constitutional order. Only the Comprehensive Approach can deliver the necessary package of incentives needed for the desperate foot soldiers to realize that they will be far better off without Taliban atrocities.

Germany has followed this approach since the very beginning of international Afghanistan operations in 2001. Germany was the first to promote a leading role for NATO in Afghanistan - and I was personally very much involved in this decision. Recognizing that only outreach to the Afghan population was going to help us succeed, we were among the first to promote expanding the NATO mission to the whole country. In 2003, we were the first to leave Kabul to establish the first NATO-led Provincial Reconstruction Team (PRT) in Kunduz.

Germany was also the first ISAF nation to assume responsibility for the mission in an entire region as well, namely Regional Command North. Since 2006 it has provided the Regional Commander for that area, based in MazareSharif.

Our PRTs are pursuing a strict civilian-military approach tailored to the specific regional characteristics of the societal and social structures, and to the development of the security situation in the region. Because of that they are under the dual leadership of a military commander and a civilian chief. The main priority of the PRT’s civilian activities is to promote political, economic and social reconstruction while the soldiers provide the secure environment indispensable to fulfill that task.

And Germany is certainly doing her share: We have raised our troop ceiling by 30% to 4500 soldiers – a particularly delicate undertaking in an election year I might add - and our national elections are less than 2 weeks away. We remain the third largest troop contributor in Afghanistan. Let us not forget that Germany has active troop deployments in other regions of the world as well: in the Balkans, in the Middle East, and in Africa. Germany being the largest troop contributor in the Balkans has helped to progressively free up U.S. forces to shift to other missions.

In Afghanistan’s North we took over the Quick Reaction Force last year and have since tripled the number of our QRF combat forces to 600. Germany’s military and civilian efforts are by no means limited to Afghanistan’s North: For instance, we provide some 50% of the intra-operational air transport and most of the aerial reconnaissance for all of Afghanistan.

In addition, in 2009 we have yet again increased our efforts in establishing and training the Afghan security forces, both army and police – tripling our contribution compared to 2007. By the end of this year we will have increased the number of our OMLTs to 8 – the RC North will thus be the only RC to completely fulfil the requirements commonly agreed to in NATO. We are also establishing a logistics school for the Afghan National Army in Kabul, as well as an engineer’s school in Mazar. Let us also not forget that Germany contributes € 50 million to NATO’s Trust Fund for the Afghan National Army. Our total commitment to building Afghan security forces and civilian reconstruction through 2010 stands at over € 1,2 billion (about 1.7 billion $).

Police Training is just as important. We deploy more than 25% of police trainers for the EU police training mission and run bilateral police training programs on top of that. We believe that Afghan security forces that are able to sustainably secure their country are key to a viable exit strategy.

To be successful, the Comprehensive Approach must also include three factors, the importance of which cannot be overstated: First of all, it is essential to take the regional setting into account. No conflict can be confined to the borders of just one country. When we think about Afghanistan, we must equally think about neighboring Pakistan. Germany has been deeply engaged– especially since our G 8 Presidency in 2007 – to take this regional dimension into account. We need to partner with Pakistan to eliminate safe havens for the Taliban and address the security challenges stemming from the porous and mostly unguarded border with Afghanistan.

Second, we have to train officials in ministries and prosecutor’s offices, as well as civil society like lawyers, teachers or journalists. Already some 40 years ago, it was the Swedish economist Gunnar Myrdal who pointed out, that the difference between successful and non successful states was the existence of non-corrupt, knowledgeable and well trained bureaucrats, an elite whose goals went beyond personal gain. We call that good governance.

The last factor I want to emphasize is, in my mind, the make or break issue in Afghanistan: we have to win the trust and friendship of the Afghan people. If we want the Afghans to see us as partners rather than an occupying force, we need to go out of our way to avoid civilian casualties. We all realize that the Taliban’s strategy aims at provoking civilian casualties to discredit our presence. Still, Gen. McChrystal’s new tactical directive to avoid civilian casualties is the only way to proceed. Germany has long advocated this strategy. We were all saddened by the news about last week’s air strike and the probability of civilian casualties, every civilian casualty is one too many. The investigation continues. Until it’s finished we should not jump to conclusions. But one thing is clear: Our joint strategy is the right one, and together we will continue to pursue it. Equally important is the new internationally agreed upon focus on providing security for the Afghan people to enable them to rebuild their country. I fully agree with how the Chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff, Admiral Mike Mullen, defined military success in Afghanistan: Our success is not measured by the number of insurgents we kill, but by the security we provide to Afghan men and women.

In the end, it is the Afghans themselves who will have to take their security as well as the welfare of their country into their own hands. Once the Afghans are able to take care of their own security, we will be able to bring our troops home. This is why training the Afghan security forces - army and police - is so crucial.

The new Afghan Government will take office in a few months. We believe this is the time for a fresh start: to come together with the new Afghan leadership to agree on the way forward, to agree on a binding road map in the main areas of security, reconstruction, reconciliation, good governance, and the fight against corruption. That is why Germany's Chancellor Angela Merkel as well as Britain's Prime Minister Brown and French President Sarkozy have proposed to bring our countries together at the top level to discuss the next steps. And that is why German Foreign Minister Frank-Walter Steinmeier has laid out “10 steps for Afghanistan”. Together with the new Afghan President we will have to develop a detailed road map defining our future cooperation in concrete terms, agreeing on clear criteria, binding targets and a timeline as well as effective measures for monitoring implementation. We will have to address the question of when and how the entire responsibility for Afghanistan’s security can gradually be transferred to Afghan hands. Everybody in this room knows: this will take some time, a lot of effort, and sacrifice - but there is no alternative to it.

Ladies and gentlemen,

Over the past weeks we were yet again reminded of the legacy President Kennedy and his brothers left for this country and for all of us.

In 1962, in his graduation address at West Point, JFK spoke about "another type of war....which requires...a new and wholly different kind of military training".

The Mission Statement of Fort Leavenworth's Command and General Staff College says exactly that: it „...educates and develops leaders for full spectrum […] operations”. And what a full spectrum it is! Today, you were even exposed to an ambassadorial speech. There are more than a few people in Washington who would say, listening to an Ambassador's presentation until the very end is just about the toughest operation you can undertake. Congratulations! You made it - Mission accomplished and class dismissed!

But before that, I will gladly take your questions.

Thank you very much.