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Germans and Americans By Gerhard Schröder
Germany and the United States of America are linked by close and, in many ways, special ties. Particularly since the end of World War II, a vital and steadfast friendship has developed between the two countries. This friendship is founded on a solid basis of common history and common beliefs, as well as common cultural norms and values. Over the years, we have also had, on occasion, a number of tiffs, even clashes. Yet, to this very day, there is far more that unites us than divides us. We stand on common ground. The key sentence in the American Declaration of
Independence and the first article of Germany’s Basic Law provide a persuasive
illustration of this: Respect for fundamental and human rights is thus an essential and irrevocable element of our two constitutions, part and parcel of our national self-perception and the guideline for all our political endeavors. We Germans will never forget the generous help and support the United States offered us for the reconstruction of our country following World War II, and for overcoming the partition of Germany. In 1945, our country was defeated, economically ruined and, above all, morally bankrupt. It was the Americans who helped us out of our misery. The life-saving importance of the Marshall Plan and the Berlin Airlift will forever live in Germany’s collective memory. If, since then, Germany has found its place in a peaceful, prosperous and secure Europe, this is due in no small measure to America’s friendship, farsightedness and political resolve.
During the decades of the Cold War, the Allies guaranteed the freedom of West Berlin and West Germany. It is also an indisputable historical fact that, when the Wall came down in 1989, Germany would not have been able to regain its unity in freedom, or at least not so speedily, had it not been for the Americans and, especially, the dogged determination of President George Bush. Yet it is not only our history that bears witness to the special character of the German-American relationship. It was, and indeed still is, cultural affinity that has brought us close. After 1945, the German public formed a highly positive image of the United States. In my view, this was due not so much to America’s political, military or economic strength but, first and foremost, to its influence as a nation of culture. The American way of life has left an indelible imprint on Germany. It has changed and enriched the German way of life.
Shared experience during the past 60 years has led Jürgen Habermas, one of our eminent philosophers, to claim that, culturally as well politically, there was no viable alternative to anchoring Germany firmly in the West. Just a few weeks ago, Americans and Germans once again commemorated the barbaric attacks of September 11 on the World Trade Center and the Pentagon. International terrorism remains by far the most serious threat to security and stability in the world. Unfortunately, the fight against terrorism is far from over. If we do not want to lose it, we must continue to give top priority to Afghanistan and developments in the Middle East. In Afghanistan, once a haven and a logistical base for international terrorism, Germany has made a special commitment. With the establishment of Provincial Reconstruction Teams in Kunduz and Faizabad, we have now extended our assistance far beyond the capital Kabul. And German soldiers continue to stand shoulder to shoulder with American troops in the framework of Operation Enduring Freedom. Our pledge to assume international responsibility on an unprecedented scale will stand far beyond the present day. After four decades of Cold War and limited German sovereignty, this pledge undoubtedly marks a turning point. To underline its significance, I called for a vote of confidence by the German Parliament, linking my own political future to a commitment that Germany would live up to its international obligations as a united and sovereign country and as an equal partner with all the rights and obligations this entails. In the run-up to the presidential elections in Afghanistan, we must focus our efforts on helping that troubled country introduce democracy and rebuild itself. Only if we work together can we win the peace in Afghanistan.
Only if we work together can we prevent this country from relapsing into fundamentalist tyranny or falling prey to regional warlords. And only if we work together will we succeed in convincing the Afghan people and the entire international community that they stand to benefit from renouncing terrorism and returning to the family of nations. Despite many areas of congruence and consensus, Germany and the United States do occasionally have differences of opinion. Thus Germany, along with other nations, did not support the war in Iraq. The German Government and the American administration disagreed on how best to deal with Saddam Hussein’s regime. That is now water under the bridge. Today, we have a common interest in stabilizing a free and peaceful Iraq, in building democratic institutions there and in restoring full sovereignty to the Iraqis. The United Nations must play a central role in this process. Germany is strongly committed to this endeavor and will continue to be so. In coordination with our partners, we have assumed responsibility for training Iraqi police officers in the United Arab Emirates. We are also willing to train Iraqi soldiers in the Emirates; for example, engineers to build roads and bridges. Furthermore, I have stressed time and again that Germany would like the Paris Club to grant substantial debt remission to Iraq. Due to Germany’s history and geography, its international policy must primarily be a policy both in Europe and for Europe. It is my deep conviction that this will also benefit the German-American partnership.
Our commitment to European integration and to the enlargement of the European Union will have a positive impact not only on our continent. A stable and prosperous Europe that enjoys freedom and democracy is vital for resolving or avoiding conflicts in neighboring regions. Beginning with Harry S. Truman, all American presidents have supported and encouraged European integration. This was – and remains – a wise policy, for a strong and united Europe is also in the interest of the United States. Germany, as an influential European power and the country with the largest economy in the European Union, knows from its recent history that cooperation and integration are the preconditions of security and prosperity. That is why I am such a strong advocate of a common European foreign and security policy. It is not merely to satisfy Henry Kissinger’s longstanding call for a single European phone number – I work for it because I have long felt that in our transatlantic partnership there is not too much America, but too little Europe. A common European foreign and security policy certainly does not aim at decoupling Europe from the United States. On the contrary: I would like to see a stronger European pillar in the Atlantic alliance. Progress in the European Security and Defense Policy is in our mutual interest. It will shore up the transatlantic partnership because it will render our alliance more efficient and more capable of taking action. One reason we need a strong Europe is to flank and buttress U.S. efforts to bring peace to the Middle East. This region is central to global security. Whether or not we can prevent a worldwide clash of civilizations depends on the success or failure of the Arab world to embark upon modernization and grant its peoples democratic participation both in economic prosperity and in political decision-making. In this context, we must not neglect the ongoing conflict between Israelis and Palestinians. There is no responsible alternative to continuing the peace process on the basis of the Road Map, which demands from both sides concessions and the willingness to seek a political solution. The major international challenges – such as the proliferation of weapons of mass destruction, the threat emanating from failing states, the spread of epidemics and the underdevelopment of many parts of the world – can only be mastered if we all work together. In order to succeed, we need to strengthen both multilateralism and the United Nations. Only in this way can we achieve our common transatlantic goals of freedom, democracy and human rights, as well as free trade, shared prosperity and the sustainable development of all nations. Link |
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