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Speech by Federal Foreign Minister Joschka Fischer to the German Bundestag
on 16 January 2003 to mark the 40th anniversary of the Elysée Treaty
Mr President, Ladies and Gentlemen,
The 40th anniversary of the signing of the Elysée Treaty, a treaty
of friendship between our country and the French Republic, is fast approaching.
It is a treaty of friendship, not a peace treaty, but this treaty has
made a vital contribution to the institutionalization of a lasting peace
in Europe.
Therefore I am in agreement with all those who have called this a historic
treaty, a once-in-a-century treaty, because this is what it really is.
Franz Müntefering has referred to his own experience of the earlier
arch-hostility between Germany and France. Particularly in my position
as Federal Foreign Minister I often have meetings with people who are
still in such a situation. This occurred to me again only recently when
I met with the President of Armenia. On that occasion we were talking
about a similar conflict in Nagorno-Karabakh, a conflict in which two
peoples – neighbours – are fighting over the same territory,
each with historical legitimacy. It then occurred to me just how significant
the friendship between France and Germany, the reconciliation between
France and Germany really is for peace on our own continent.
We must not forget what Franz Müntefering referred to and what I
can only emphasize from my own experience: the fact that in my school
days you could still tell the teachers by their greatest enemies. There
were those who regarded the Russians and those who regarded the "Anglo-Americans"
as the Great Enemy, and of course there were always those who thought
it was the French. This was how you could classify them. Today, this already
sounds like a story from a long-forgotten era. That is one of the great
achievements of the Franco-German treaty of friendship, the Elysée
Treaty, the fact that this friendship is seen as perfectly normal.
Consider for a moment what Germany's southwestern frontier has meant in
terms of suffering for the region there, for Baden and for the Rhineland-Palatinate
and time and again for the Saarland, and the fact that this border continues
to exist today is considered perfectly normal – however, it no longer
separates people but has long since become permeable in a common Europe.
The Elysée Treaty played a vital role in this.
Franco-German reconciliation
Ladies and Gentlemen, Franco-German reconciliation became possible against
the background of the self-destruction of the European system of states.
The balance of power was finally destroyed in two great wars in the 20th
century fought above all by Germany and France. Guided by this experience,
two outstanding statesmen, Robert Schuman and Jean Monnet, had the idea
of a different principle: an integration of interests built on Franco-German
reconciliation.
The integration of economic and political interests
They began with the economy, but of course they also had culture and,
above all, politics on their minds. This presupposed that Germany and
France would work together, that these arch enemies would in a way become
arch friends. This was and – I would like to stress this –
this still is the bedrock of the European Union, even after enlargement.
This is the true nature of the Franco-German treaty.
Translating this vision into political reality has been the great achievement
of Konrad Adenauer, Willy Brandt, Helmut Schmidt, of Helmut Kohl too and
now of Gerhard Schröder, indeed all the Federal Chancellors and all
the French Prime Ministers and Presidents since Charles de Gaulle. Translating
this vision into concrete political reality and everyday life and building
this common Europe is the uppermost goal, and in my opinion, reflects
the uppermost interest of both peoples and both states as well.
This is also on the basis on the Elysée Treaty. It is therefore
very important (...) that the Parliaments of both countries should meet.
I made this point yesterday in committee: perhaps we don't have the sensitivity
for symbolism that our friends in France have. But for me the fact that
both Parliaments will actually meet in plenary session for the first time
is a very important symbol for the reconciliation of our peoples, which
is why this initiative has the full backing of the Federal Government.
The cultural dimension
Of course the cultural dimension has existed right from the beginning
as well, including civil society cooperation above all among young people.
This was of crucial importance in the Franco-German treaty of friendship,
the Elysée Treaty. We should not just praise this treaty retrospectively.
We must undertake new initiatives for the future.
It is with a certain degree of concern that I observe that learning each
other's language is, on both sides, tending to diminish, to put it diplomatically.
There are reasons for this: globalization, the fact that English today
is the lingua franca, the universal, the world language beyond any doubt.
But we would also lose much in terms of the future of the Franco-German
relationship, especially because of Europe growing together, if we do
not attach much more importance to providing a wider basis for the learning
of each other's language by future generations.
In this respect, we must make a greater commitment for the future, together
with the Länder, and I don't think there is any argument against
this. I know how difficult it is, but I regard this and common cultural
initiatives as essential.
European agricultural policy
You have raised agricultural policy. If money were available I would have
no argument with you, but we must ask ourselves whether in the 21st century
we can go on allowing ourselves to spend more than 40 per cent of the
EU's budget on agricultural policies and agricultural subsidies while
there is so little money for common cultural development, film and so
on. If Europe – and that means Germany and France too – is
to play its role in tomorrow's world, the world of the 21st century, we
must use our resources differently. You, Frau Merkel, know this. This
is the crucial point, and I believe it to be of central importance.
Franco-German cooperation as the driving force at the heart of European
development
Make no mistake: Franco-German cooperation has been the driving force
at the heart of European development and will, in my firm opinion, remain
so in the EU of the 25. I have gained the following experience in the
past four years: whenever Germany and France are united then it is never
exclusive and to the detriment of others, but has always had the effect
of being a driving force.
We have already talked about Adenauer and de Gaulle and the problems which
have arisen from the treaty's preamble. This was suddenly familiar to
me. To that extent, not much has changed in the Franco-German relationship.
Compromises are difficult, but once they have been reached, they drive
forward European development with incredible force. This is what makes
the Franco-German relationship so fascinating. As close as we are as immediate
neighbours in terms of our history in so many areas, we are very different,
just like in many families. This tension has been productive ever since
the time of Adenauer and de Gaulle. It is the task of the Franco-German
motor to drive forward these compromises for Europe.
I am gratified by your positive assessment of the compromise achieved
the day before yesterday. In particular, it was also a great achievement
on the part of the Chancellor to take forward the integrational elements
of a European compromise constitution. That the European Commission will
be elected by the European Parliament obviously means a huge leap in the
Commission's democratic legitimacy within the framework of a future constitution.
It also means of course an enormous growth in the competence of the European
Parliament but also of Europe's citizens who will then see that Parliament
in a different light with its increased competence and will thus have
an indirect influence on the composition of the Commission.
At the same time we will be taking a decisive step forward on the issue
of widening the Commission's powers. Thus, for example, the Directorates-General
will come under the control of the politicians, or to be precise, the
Commission. I regard this too as being a very significant step forward.
Anyone who is familiar with conditions on the ground will agree with me.
The expansion of the co-decision procedure to all of the Union's legislative
acts is also of major significance for the increasing powers of the European
Parliament. You have also raised the question of common foreign policy.
It is of vital importance that the common institutional representation
of foreign policy be in future the responsibility of one EU foreign minister.
Common Foreign and Security Policy
Frau Merkel, I also see it as very important that we have now succeeded
in introducing majority voting across the whole range of Common Foreign
and Security Policy decisions.
This for me is also a major step forward. This follows on from the many
years of cooperation between this Government and that of France. I would
like to add one thing. On this point I am gratified that you have taken
back some of your past criticism. You were constantly criticizing the
Chancellor for allegedly allowing Franco-German relations and indeed European
affairs in general to be put on the backburner. I can only say this to
you: in Agenda 2000 we have reached a compromise under this Chancellor
that had seemed virtually impossible. That was the prerequisite for us
to be able to move forward with practical negotiations.
Enlargement of the European Union
Under the previous Government the year that was set for Poland's accession
was 2000. The negotiation dossiers were opened six months before we came
into power. The negotiation process gained momentum under the German Presidency.
In Copenhagen, we completed the historic process of negotiations with
ten new member states. Moreover, under the German Presidency, we began
the second part – and not just EU enlargement. At the same time,
based on the Berlin compromise, and in constant agreement with France,
a German initiative made it possible to launch the Convention on the Future
of Europe. So we are talking not only about EU enlargement, but the constitution
of Europe as well.
The European Convention
I am in complete agreement with my colleague Krista Sager: if, in this,
the 40th year of the Elysée Treaty, the Convention manages to produce
a European constitution – and the work of the Convention is going
very well thanks in no small part to the leadership of its president,
Valéry Giscard d'Estaing – then the legacy of the Franco-German
treaty of friendship, the Elysée Treaty, will have been realized
40 years on. That was, and still is, the political objective of this Federal
Government. That is Federal Chancellor Gerhard Schröder's policy
and, I might add, that of President Jacques Chirac. I believe that this
is a notable achievement, one that is in the interests of Europe.
Commitment to peace
The same thing applies to our commitment to peace. I am more than willing
to take up this debate on another occasion. On a day such as this however,
we should not conduct a tactical debate to try to push the Government
into any particular direction. (...)
I say this to you: the Franco-German treaty is a treaty of friendship
which above all else has created peace. If there is one thing this Government
feels committed to, then – and we are not being naive – it
is peace.
One thing is clear for us on this point: we are for the implementation
of resolution 1441. That means the inspectors must be able to do their
work. In our view, there is no reason to use military force. Our concern
is very real that a deployment of military force in Iraq could set off
a chain of events with disastrous consequences. For this reason we have
made our position clear right from the start. We said that we would not
participate in military action in Iraq, and that's how it stays! That
is our concrete peace policy.
published: 16.01.2003
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