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Federal Foreign Minister Steinmeier on the Middle East, Africa, Russia and the UN Security Council in an interview with the daily newspaper Generalanzeiger An alarmingly long list of conflicts QUESTION: The situation in the Middle East, the escalating crisis in Iraq, an uncooperative Iran, an enigmatic Syria, the unresolved Afghanistan problem, the almost insurmountable EU Presidency workload – how much sleep does a Foreign Minister and EU President get these days? STEINMEIER: Even less than I used to, but that doesn't matter. I'm much more concerned about the alarmingly long list of conflicts we have to deal with during the German EU Presidency and beyond. Wouldn't it be better for the Middle East peace process if the EU and the US were to agree on Syria's role? I've been working for almost six months to bring about closer cooperation on the Middle East. I am conducting talks on reviving the Middle East Quartet. That would ensure that there are no more competing proposals. We have to join forces and support the nascent progress we see in relations between Israel and the Palestinians. Do you have the impression that Washington has moderated its tone towards Damascus? The US Administration has been considering a policy shift on the Middle East. Contrary to the recommendations made by the Baker Commission, talks with Iraq's neighbours do not, at the present time, seem to be on the agenda. Is the Roadmap an adequate reference point for the peace efforts? There was no lack of papers and proposals in the past. The Roadmap still contains all central elements for a lasting peace settlement in the Middle East. But the process won't continue automatically. It's therefore crucial that we now find our way back to the Roadmap. In view of the Government's massive domestic difficulties, is Israel really open to diplomatic offers? The last few weeks have shown that it is. Regardless of domestic differences, the need to seek a new level of talks with the Palestinian side hasn't been called into question in Israel. Until recently, such contacts would have been inconceivable before the issue of the release of the Israeli prisoner has been resolved. Now President Abbas and Prime Minister Olmert have agreed on concrete measures aimed at improving the Palestinians' quality of life. That may not be a peace process but it does provide the basis for rapprochement if it isn't called into question again by radical elements on either side. One possible destabilizing factor in the region is Iran. Can such a radicalized regime be a cooperation partner? Looking at its words and actions during the last three years, the Iranian Government certainly hasn't suggested itself as a cooperation partner – neither for us nor within the region. We are keen to prevent a new escalation in the Middle East and to at least resolve the nuclear programme conflict. We haven't succeeded so far but the Security Council Resolution adopted the day before Christmas demonstrated the united international front on Iran's nuclear ambitions. We now have to concentrate on swiftly implementing the measures envisaged in the Resolution. We have also made it clear that our offer of cooperation still stands. We just have to hope that there are responsible individuals within the Iranian Government who are advocating a return to the negotiating table. What about Iraq? There is no mention in the EU Presidency statement of political support for Bush's plans to increase the military presence in Baghdad. Are you disappointed at Bush's failure to put forward political solutions? Based on the analysis of the security situation in Iraq and various proposals on overhauling America's Iraq policy, the American Administration has decided to first of all focus on America's military presence in Iraq. At present, I can't judge whether the opinion-forming process within the American Administration has now been completed or whether it will be complemented in the coming weeks by diplomatic initiatives. How do you feel about an Iraq peace conference? Our first priority is intra-Iraqi reconciliation. That's difficult enough. A subsequent Iraq conference attended by third parties could then, in my view, be a further meaningful step. After all, Iraq is already intensifying relations with its neighbours. The conflict in Afghanistan. Is, as the leader of the SPD parliamentary group in the Bundestag has claimed, the Federal Government prepared to send Tornado aircraft to the dangerous south of the country? We have been in Afghanistan for six years now. We're not only involved in the civilian reconstruction but also have a military presence. In the north of the country, the Bundeswehr troops have shown great commitment in helping to stabilize the country – and they have been successful. Part of the mandate has always been to help out in the south of the country – on a temporary basis. We are now being asked to help with air reconnaissance for a limited length of time. The Federal Government will make its decision by the end of the month. Will the parliamentary mandate suffice for this? The existing mandate, which has been extended on repeated occasions, only allows for assistance in the south under very closely defined conditions. We will now have to examine whether they have been met. Taking stock of Germany's commitments, how much has Germany's role grown during the last 15 years? It has grown. We lost our special status when the confrontation between East and West ended. Today Germany has a responsibility which other states have shouldered since the Second World War. The demands are growing very fast … But we don't organize international missions at random. We look at each individual case very closely and examine our commitment carefully. We also assess the risk to German troops. It is also good that Bundeswehr operations, such as the one in the Congo, terminate within the set timeframe. Where do our values come in when on the one hand the Bundeswehr helps provide a stable environment for the elections in the Congo but, on the other hand, we condone human rights violations in Darfur? These two crises can't be compared. We attach great importance to the conflict in Darfur. The African Union wants to continue its commitment, while the UN is prepared to support it with considerable means. However, the Sudanese Government has to signal its readiness to accept a larger military presence. You don't sound hopeful. The Sudanese Government indicated recently that it was prepared to accept a large-scale African task force and a role for the UN in Darfur. We now have to test this readiness. Should this increased responsibility lead to a seat on the Security Council within the context of UN reform? Comprehensive UN reform continues to be necessary for, it seems to me, the UN is more important than ever given the state of our world in the 21st century. However, only two of the more than 100 reform proposals have been implemented to date. So much remains to be done! This not only includes – although it is of course an important point – reform of the Security Council, which the Federal Government, in common with the vast majority of member states, believes is vital. Germany continues to be a candidate for a permanent seat on the Security Council. On Sunday Angela Merkel will be meeting the Russian President: are we naive about our energy supply partner Russia? Naïve? During the last few years we've tried to establish a very pragmatic relationship with Russia. We want a strategic partnership which acknowledges the importance of this large neighbour of the EU. We have been working together in the energy sector for 30 years. Russia has been a reliable partner during all that time. It sounds as if you're trying to soft-pedal the situation. Wait and see! The gas conflict with Ukraine and Belarus gave rise to irritations. That can't be in Moscow's interests. That is why we are striving to include a separate chapter on energy cooperation in the partnership agreement with Russia. This is intended to avoid escalations like the one we saw recently. What will remain of the EU draft constitution – which has had little success so far – at the end of the German Presidency following the presidential and parliamentary elections in France? We want to preserve its substance. The current draft didn't appear out of thin air. It's the result of extensive and careful consultation. Our analysis hasn't changed: the institutions have to be strengthened, the decision-making processes streamlined. But the outcome of the referenda in France and Holland mean that the old draft will have to be shelved. It would be difficult to present it once more in the same form. I therefore want to urge everyone to make concessions on this issue, and some more than others. For it's right to say that exactly two thirds of the member states have ratified the constitution. One third haven't. We will therefore fight for this treaty. We won't let this largely accepted project fall like a hot potato. Does Frank-Walter Steinmeier, who learned the ropes from Gerhard Schröder, still support Turkey's accession? Yes. The strategic decision to offer Turkey membership of the EU, and thus to consolidate that country's reforms towards Europe, is still right. Turkey is a difficult undertaking. Yes, Turkey still has a lot of work to do. But we shouldn't forget the reforms Turkey has already carried out during the last few years. It's in Europe's interests that Turkey continues to move closer to the EU. Despite your personal heavy workload: are you sometimes tempted to join in the domestic debate? The coalition works. Its measures are beginning to take effect. Just look at the economy. I am sometimes tempted but my job as Foreign Minister takes up all my time. Do you want to be a candidate at the next Bundestag elections? Yes. And do you want a seat in the SPD's ruling bodies? Wait and see. The interview was conducted by Ulrich Lüke and Thomas Wittke January 17, 2007 Link
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