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Germany - A Troubling Past, A Challenging Present, And Speech delivered by on the Occasion of
First, let me thank you very much for the kind invitation to come to Boca Raton. I fondly recall the ADL delegation's visit to the German Embassy in April last year, when I first met Mr. Rothchild, tonight's host. I am very pleased to speak with you tonight about the past, present, and future of Germany - particularly as I have admired the work of the ADL ever since I became acquainted with your organization during my tenure in New York. You have accomplished a lot in the 89 years of your organization's existence. Much of what your organization's founders set out to achieve has since been enshrined in legislation. But the battle against discrimination is far from over. The history of discrimination, prejudice, and hate is as old as humanity itself. Religious, ethnic, and cultural minorities need strong partners. That is why your work is so important here in America, but also around the entire globe. People need tolerance, because, after all, they are only human. The Anti-Defamation League has a wealth of experience in fighting right-wing extremism and anti-Semitism and is a passionate defender of victims of violence and discrimination. It thus plays a vital role in American society and in the global campaign for more tolerance. Ladies and Gentlemen, Bill Rothchild suggested that I begin by telling you a little bit about myself. Well, to start with, I was born during World War II. My father was called to military service, like most other fathers at that time. He was sent to Russia to fight on the eastern front, also like many other fathers. The last time he came home from the front on leave was in 1943. In 1944, I was born. He has been missing since 1945. He did know that, in addition to his two girls and one little boy, he had another son by the name of Eberhard. But he never got to see him. My mother had to raise four children alone. That didn't leave much room for political discussions. I grew up in southwestern Germany, in what was then the American Occupied Zone. The first Americans that I met were soldiers, friendly soldiers. They sometimes gave out oranges, or even bananas - fruits that we had only heard of as children, but had never seen, let alone tasted. My first words in English were "hello" and "chewing gum, please." It was actually always my desire to get to know the country where these friendly people came from. Once I finished my studies in Germany, I went to New York on a fellowship to conduct research at Columbia University. There, I wrote my dissertation on the role of American primaries in the democratization of the candidate nomination process. Together with my young wife, I traveled cross-country in an old "jalopy" to gather data and to learn "how democracy works." I grew up in the southwestern city of Ludwigsburg, near Stuttgart. Ludwigsburg is home to the Central Office for the Investigation of National-Socialist Atrocities, which was established by the judicial administrations of the German states in 1958. Since then, it has investigated more than 100,000 suspects in over 7,000 cases. I then learned more vividly and intimately about the persecution of the Jews and the concentration camps in my final years of high school, at a weekend retreat in the Black Forest. Shocked and stunned, I came back home from the weekend and confronted my mother with the question "How could such a thing happen?" She was at a loss for words.
And with that, Ladies and Gentlemen, I have already arrived at my first point: we as Germans bear a difficult past. Nothing can surpass the inhumanity and atrocity of the Holocaust. It is a part of Germany's postwar conscience which continues to weigh on us and won't let us rest. Last year, the Spiegel newsmagazine ran a series of articles entitled "The Present of the Past." We cannot run from this past, but must learn to live with it. That includes realizing that the crimes of the Third Reich were not the actions of a small elite group. Those horrors were able to happen, because many people in the country willingly went along. Others at first secretly approved or, at the very least, were indifferent to what was going on around them. Still others quieted their consciences by looking away or turning a deaf ear. The Nazi dictators knew how to isolate the individual, to limit his attention to his own private sphere, to family concerns. They would then later infiltrate those same private spheres, neutralize existing groups, and prevent the occurrence of new opposition forces. Even among the men and women of the German Resistance, there were many who were initially open to Hitler and his cronies. That also goes for the renowned Protestant theologian Martin Niemöller, who was always spoken of with great admiration in my home. It was not until 1933, following the Nazi seizure of power, that he met with other Protestant ministers to protest the Nazi tyranny and its grip on the Protestant Church. Together, they established the German Confessional Church in opposition to the Nazi regime. These Protestant theologians conveyed their political message in their sermons. Many of them were then persecuted by the Nazis. Martin Niemöller too was arrested in 1937 and remained incarcerated in various concentration camps until after the end of the war. After the war, Martin Niemöller gave a stinging description of his delayed response to the Nazi regime, when he said: "First they came for the Communists, but I was not a Communist -
so I said nothing. We all know the horrifying consequence. Nearly 11 million innocent people,
including six million Jews, were murdered in the concentration and extermination
camps of the Nazi dictatorship.
Ladies and Gentlemen, Postwar Germany has drawn its lessons from the events of the Nazi dictatorship. We already drew the first consequence when our constitution, the Basic Law, was written. It establishes respect for human dignity as an unamendable, eternal article It also guarantees the basic right of asylum. In most countries, this right is not a constitutional but a legal norm. Thus was the will of the founding fathers of our German constitution following the horrible catastrophe of the Nazi dictatorship and World War II. What has the practice of the last 50 years shown? Since 1949, the Federal Republic of Germany has become the most liberal, the most democratic, and the freest state that Germany has ever seen before. This success is both an obligation and an incentive to remain vigilant, to adapt our achievement to changing circumstances while at the same time preserving its essence. Germany - like all other states in Europe over the past decades - is not immune to xenophobic and nationalistic trends. This was already true in the sixties, when the European states began opening up to and amongst each other. It holds true even more so now, in the age of globalization. Contributing factors are the fall of the Berlin Wall, the dropping of frontiers worldwide, and the occurrence of massive intercontinental migration. The number of foreigners in Germany has nearly doubled over the past 20 years, from 4.4 to 7.3 million. Many came as asylum seekers or economic refugees. In addition to the 7.3 million foreigners, Germany has absorbed another two million ethnic Germans from Eastern Europe, who more or less automatically become German citizens on their arrival in Germany. They are not recorded as foreigners in the statistics. But because they tend to lack a knowledge of the German language and professional qualifications, they are not always very easily integrated into the economy and work force in Germany. Fortunately, right-wing extremist parties in Germany have struck a chord only with a very small segment of the German public. They have not been able to gain more than a very minimal number of seats in some of the state parliaments. Most of the time they have failed to overcome the 5-percent hurdle required by the German constitution. Under this clause, only those parties that gain more than 5 percent of the votes in an election are allotted seats in the parliaments. They have never won a seat in the federal parliament, the Bundestag. In the United States, right-wing extremist factions generally fail to even make a showing - but not because they do not exist here. Rather, Americans vote according to the majority principle in single-member districts within the individual states and at the national level. Only those candidates who can appeal to moderate voters - the swing voters - have a chance to gain a majority of votes. On closer inspection, it becomes clear that Germans do not vote for right-wing extremist parties but rather against the established parties, the incumbents, and their programs. They are protest votes, not votes in support of what the right-wing extremists stand for. Rightist parties who, nevertheless, have made the hurdle into the parliaments of individual German states are later viewed with suspicion or strong criticism by the German public. Therefore, they generally do not retain their seats for very long. But they also do not disappear on their own. We must summon all our democratic strength in the confrontation with these right-wing extremist parties. None of the postwar German right-wing extremist parties - die Nationaldemokratische Partei Deutschlands, the National Democratic Party of Germany or NPD; the Republikaners; and die Deutsche Volksunion, the German People's Union or DVU - has ever been represented in the German Bundestag, i.e. the national parliament. In this context, let me also address the current discussion about whether
we should fight such parties through political activism or through a constitutional
ban. Last year, the German government submitted a petition with the German Constitutional Court to ban the right-wing extremist NPD, because it deemed its goals and actions anti-democratic. This spurred a heated debate in Germany over the effectiveness of such a ban. Critics of the petition fear that the evidence gathered against the party might not be sufficient to justify the ban. They also argue that a ban would not be able to prevent right-wing extremist activities, because it would not change the way the NPD followers think. Instead, they would seek refuge in other organizations and go underground, into a less transparent radical scene. They also would disclose much less about their structures, financing, and programs than they are currently required to do under the law governing political parties. They would thus also be more difficult to monitor. That notwithstanding, the German government has decided to file the petition for the ban. The Jewish communities living in Germany also approve of the petition. The President of the Central Council of Jews in Germany, Paul Spiegel, expressly welcomed the petition, stating that the NPD "is not a party that stands on the ground of democracy." Even though right-wing extremist parties are not represented in the German
federal parliament, we still must ask ourselves: Let me start with the first question: right-wing extremist violence in Germany today. In 2000, there were 15,951 reported crimes in Germany which were proven or believed to have right-wing extremist connections. Of those, 998 were violent crimes. Most of them were what we call "propaganda offenses" - such as distributing unconstitutional symbols and logos (i.e., swastika). As you know, these particular offenses are not illegal in the United States. There are roughly 82 million people currently living in Germany. According to the German internal investigation agencies, 52,600 people belong to right-wing extremist organizations; 9,700 are considered violent. Now, to the second question: which groups, which forces support right-wing
extremists? First, right-wing extremism among young Germans: Particularly in the case of young people, we cannot overcome right-wing extremism through criminal prosecution alone. What they need is to be taught tolerance, understanding, and prevention. That need is even more evident among the youth in eastern Germany than among those in the western part of the country. The German government has developed special programs specifically for such young people. For example, in cooperation with the Henry Maske Fund, the government supports youth projects that are geared toward working with at-risk youth. The programs teach them social values and fair play. They thus learn to reject right-wing extremism, violence, and xenophobia. The Nazi dictatorship and the Holocaust long ago became an essential part of the curricula at German schools. The German government supports Holocaust education through numerous campaigns and teaching materials. One particularly successful program is called "Learning From History." One of its tools is a CD/ROM, which enables teachers to use modern media in their history lessons. Now to the second problem area that can serve as a breeding ground for right-wing extremism, namely unemployment. Young people are generally prone to be attracted to right-wing extremist groupings and their philosophy when they have no job prospects. In Germany, the unemployment rate is 10.4 percent, based on January 2002 figures. Broken down, the rate in eastern Germany is a staggering 19.1 percent. In western Germany, it stands at roughly 9 percent. The current government had made some headway in lowering the unemployment rate after it took office in the fall of 1998. However, these efforts have suffered a serious setback following the downturn in the global economy and the September 11 attacks. The German economy is heavily dependent on exports and was thus hit disproportionately hard by the drop in global spending. The German government has launched several well-funded programs to help fight unemployment among young people. As part of the government's youth emergency program, businesses receive subsidies to help defray their labor costs when they hire young people. In addition, various programs in vocational training, social counseling, and job placement are offered to young people. In 2001, 1.138 billion euros were set aside in the federal budget for these programs. The third problem area in the fight against right-wing extremism is the Internet. The Internet has opened up entirely new possibilities to spread racial hatred and right-wing extremism across borders. The German internal investigation authorities have already identified over 800 German-language Web sites maintained by right-wing extremists. Commercial German providers have repeatedly blocked these Web sites. But the groups get around the blocks by becoming providers themselves. Or they simply offer Web sites from abroad. The case that has been causing us the most headaches lately is a German-language Web site originating in the U.S. with the official sounding address: www.bundesinnenministerium.org. It is rather embarrassing to pull up what looks like the Web site of the German Attorney General's office or the Department of the Interior and then to be confronted with right-wing extremist propaganda. Allow me to mention something else in this context which might surprise you. Occurrences of right-wing extremism on the Internet and in general are much easier to prosecute in Germany than in the U.S. The main reason for this is that free speech in the U.S. offers extremely broad protections. Let me give you one example of something that is punishable in Germany but not in the U.S. In Germany, it is illegal to deny or trivialize the Holocaust. The same applies to the public display of Nazi symbols or uniforms. Also, unlike in the U.S., it is illegal in Germany to produce, sell, or purchase publications inciting racial hatred or criminal actions. German right-wing extremists know the German legal environment very well. They formulate their texts in their publications and on the Internet in such a way that their basic philosophy is plainly identifiable, yet narrow enough to avoid criminal prosecution. Right-wing extremists who want to spread criminal content use the loopholes in the U.S. legal system and resort to American providers. For years, right-wing extremists were successful at circumventing the German legal system. In 2000, the German Federal Court of Justice - the German supreme court - put a stop to this tactic. Now, according to the judgment of the German Court of Justice, anyone who places hate material on a foreign Internet server can be prosecuted in Germany for inciting racial hatred and violence if that content can be accessed there. The German government has taken the initiative in this area and is promoting a global campaign against hate and right-wing extremism on the Internet. In the summer of 2000, the German Ministry of Justice organized an international conference in cooperation with the Friedrich Ebert Foundation and the Simon Wiesenthal Center in Los Angeles. The results of the conference were summarized in the Berlin Declaration. It called for, among other things, first a European-wide and then a global agreement on certain basic values and related criminal provisions. German right-wing extremists, however, are not just trying to supply propaganda material over the Internet. Rather, they are also fostering close contacts with similar parties and organizations, known as "hate groups" in the U.S. These groupings enjoy far more freedom in the U.S. than in Germany because of the U.S. legal environment. Among the groups that have particularly distinguished themselves in the U.S. are the National Alliance (NA) and the NSDAP -Aufbau- und Auslandsorganisation (NSDAP/AO), which sees itself as the successor organization to the NSDAP. The NSDAP/AO can freely produce its party circular the NS Call to Battle in large quantities. Besides inciting xenophobic hatred, it also calls on its members to commit acts of violence and murder. These newspapers manage to find their way surreptitiously into Germany - but the people who are found to have such papers in their possession are criminally prosecuted. Given its breadth of experience, the Anti-Defamation League is an important ally and partner in this fight against right-wing extremism. The German government is not only working to prevent right-wing extremism and fight unemployment among young people, but has also launched numerous other initiatives. One such example is what we call the "Defector Program," started in April last year. The right-wing extremist scene has a particular group dynamic. Peer pressure and even threats make it difficult for potential defectors to drop out of the scene. So the German government established a program to make it easier for them to defect. We have experts from the Federal Office for the Protection of the Constitution working a hotline for confidential counseling. This hotline makes it possible for young right-wing extremists to establish contact with government agencies and receive support, depending on their personal circumstances. This government support is designed to address the social environment in which right-wing extremists find themselves. Right-wing extremists are not financially rewarded when they defect - and rightfully so. But what can be decisive in prompting a right-wing extremist to defect is counseling in the search for a job and housing. This program may seem unorthodox at first glance. But the goal of weakening the right-wing extremist scene justifies unorthodox methods. To date, the program has been able to make contact with about 160 potential defectors. They are overwhelmingly young men between the age of 18 and 30. The work cannot be left up to the authorities alone. We are all called upon in our daily lives to show civil courage. To be vigilant, to show courage, to resist, not to turn a blind eye, to call the police and authorities for help, if we are to stop right-wing extremism. Chancellor Schröder aptly called for a "revolt of the decent" in this effort.
Finally, let me wager a look into the future, a future in which we also need your help. The German people seek reconciliation with the Holocaust victims. Reconciliation can occur only within the context of an intensive German-Jewish dialogue. The desire to engage in this dialogue is an integral part of German domestic and foreign policy. We seek dialogue with survivors of the Holocaust. German cities organize visitors programs. We want our one-time compatriots to return to their former German hometowns and to get to know the "new" Germany. More and more Jews are coming to Germany. They are deciding to stay and build new Jewish communities there. While 10 years ago, only about 30,000 Jews lived in Germany, today already over 150,000 now live there. In 1933, the year of the Nazi seizure of power, they numbered 500,000. The number of Jewish institutions, such as schools and kindergartens, continues to grow. The German government participates in the expansion of this social fabric through financial support. Synagogues, such as the one in Dresden, are being built in Germany again. Judaism is again being taught at many German universities. Most notable among them is the University for Judaic Studies in Heidelberg. Other Judaic Studies programs are available at universities in Berlin, Duisburg, Potsdam, Halle, Leipzig, Mainz, Munich, Münster, and Oldenburg. We are also pleased that American-Jewish organizations continue to show an interest in Germany. In the past years, numerous organizations have sent delegations to Germany and met with German government officials and members of parliament. Others have selected Germany as the location for their events - such as the American Jewish Committee, the Conference of Presidents of Major Jewish Organizations, the Second Generation German-Jewish Dialogues, the Simon Wiesenthal Center, the Ronald Lauder Foundation, and the Chicago Board of Rabbis. In March last year, the German-Jewish umbrella organization - the North American Board of Rabbis (NABOR) - held its annual assembly in Berlin, a virtually historic event. It was the largest rabbinical meeting in Germany since the Second World War. Last year was the first time B'nai B'rith Europe held its annual meeting in Berlin. A host of Jewish organizations have also recently opened up representative offices in Germany. In 1998, the American Jewish Committee and the Shoah Visual History Foundation, which was initiated by Steven Spielberg, established their European representations in Berlin. The Jewish Academy of the Ronald S. Lauder Foundation came a year later. Berlin is again the social and cultural center of Jewish life in Germany. The Jewish community in Berlin has over six synagogues, two retirement homes, a convalescence home, a kindergarten, a primary school, a Jewish high school with 600 students, a youth center, a central library, an adult continuing education program, and an art gallery. The new Jüdisches Museum, designed by the architect Daniel Libeskind in the shape of a broken star of David, was enthusiastically received by the public and architectural critics. These institutions are following a long tradition of Jewish life in Berlin - in 1933, the Jewish community in Berlin numbered 200,000, the largest in all of Germany. Ladies and Gentlemen, Thus, the former Israeli ambassador to Germany, Avi Primor, concluded that "Germany is Israel's best friend in Europe." Foreign Minister Joschka Fischer is personally very committed to helping bring about a peaceful settlement to the Middle East conflict - one that guarantees Israel's right to exist and grants the Palestinians the right to self-determination. The European Union member states work closely together not only on Middle East policy but also on the common fight against right-wing extremism. Already in 1997, the Council of European Union Ministers decided to establish the European Office for the Observation of Racism and Xenophobia in Vienna. The observation office investigates trends and occurrences of racism, xenophobia, and anti-Semitism. It also analyzes their root causes, consequences, and implications and reviews practices designed to offer a remedy. The office's main objective is to develop a European Information Network on Racism and Xenophobia (RAXEN). The EU member states are also committed to working more closely together on prevention and interdiction, stricter police enforcement, and criminal prosecution. One of the reasons for intensifying EU common internal and security policy is to be able to fight right-wing extremism more effectively. European law enforcement agencies and judicial administrations have also been deepening their cooperation for some time now. Until recently, this area had been regarded as a sacred sphere of national sovereignty. We have had a European Criminal Police Office - Europol - since 1999. Immediately following Sept. 11, the EU ministers of justice and internal affairs presented an extensive action plan for fighting terrorism. It provides for, among other things, a European arrest warrant and increased cooperation among intelligence and law enforcement agencies.
Ladies and Gentlemen, I come to the end of my remarks. Former German President Gustav Heinemann once said that "there are difficult fatherlands." Germany is a difficult fatherland with a difficult past. But Germany is conscious of its historical responsibility. It is a country undergoing change - a country in which East and West
have yet to grow together. It is a country worth living in: Germany is also a country worth visiting: (Quote) "Sometimes it is easier to continue to hate and to remain
locked in our preconceived notions. The challenge is for us to move, while
not forgetting, to keep sacred, and to honor the memory of the martyred
victims of our people while being bitter towards those who were born later. Ladies and Gentlemen, I would like to encourage you, wherever the opportunity presents itself,
to accept the outstretched hand of the Germans.
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