Policy statement by Federal Chancellor Gerhard Schröder in the German Bundestag
on the international situation and on the results of the Brussels European Council. Berlin, Thursday, April 3, 2003

Translation of advance text
Check against delivery

Mr President,
Ladies and Gentlemen,

The Federal Government has been guided by the following principles in exercising its responsibility for peace and security: we support the rule of law and its enforcement. We support a peace policy based on crisis prevention and cooperative conflict settlement. We are pursuing the goal of comprehensive security: through multilateral cooperation, through protection from risks and the fight against the causes of violence, through long-term disarmament and sustainable development and, where absolutely necessary, through police and military means. And finally, we believe that only the United Nations has a monopoly on the use of force in international conflicts.

Ladies and gentlemen,
Germany has assumed its responsibility on this basis: in the European Union, in the international alliance against terror, in Afghanistan and in the Balkans.

Only this week, the European Union assumed NATO's peacekeeping role in Macedonia with the launch of Operation "Concordia". I find it particularly significant that the European Union is demonstrating its capability for military action in Macedonia. For it was in Macedonia that we succeeded, together with our partners, in containing a smouldering conflict and in preventing a looming civil war from even breaking out. Macedonia stands for a European security policy which includes military means in its range of instruments for preventing wars. We will continue to pursue this course.

Ladies and gentlemen,
We have taken our responsibility in the Security Council very seriously. Up until the last minute, we, together with the majority of the members of the Security Council – with France, Russia, China, as well as Mexico and Chile – made every effort to settle the Iraq conflict peacefully within the framework of the United Nations. We therefore remain convinced that there was an alternative to war, that there was a way to peacefully disarm Iraq under international supervision. The Federal Government still believes that the decision not to follow this path to the very end was wrong. It is true, we were not able to prevent the war.

At such moments, our thoughts and sympathy are with the victims of this war, both civilians and soldiers, and with their families. We all hope that the earliest possible end to the war will keep the number of victims as low as possible. And it is our desire that the Iraqi people will be able to fulfil its hope of a life in peace, freedom and self-determination as quickly as possible once the dictatorship has been toppled.

However, every crisis is also an opportunity. If we want to prevent developments such as those which led to this war, then we must improve the mechanisms used to implement our policies. This is a task, first and foremost, for our common Europe. In Europe we have succeeded in overcoming war and rivalry. To use this experience to develop and realize long-term perspectives for a world in which security and cooperation prevail - that is our duty as Europeans.

Ladies and gentlemen,
The Federal Government stated at an early stage and on a host of grounds that Germany would not take part in this war. We will not reconsider our decision. Consequently, German troops will not take part in military action in or against Iraq.

However, it also goes without saying that Germany will stand by its alliance obligations. For we must not forget that the states currently spearheading the war against Iraq are alliance partners and friendly nations. We will therefore adhere to the pledges which we gave them. This comprises granting overflight rights and the right to use available facilities and protecting bases in Germany, as well as supporting measures aimed at protecting Turkey.

In its decision of 25 March, the Federal Constitutional Court reaffirmed the Federal Government's view that no Bundestag mandate is required for the participation of German military personnel in AWACS reconnaissance missions. Nevertheless, the Federal Government, as well as other NATO alliance partners and the European Union, warned Turkey about the consequences of military intervention in northern Iraq. We pointed out that, should Turkey become a party to the war, the Federal Government would be forced to withdraw German soldiers from the AWACS aircraft. Turkey has given assurances on repeated occasions that it does not intend to deploy troops in northern Iraq at present beyond humanitarian and purely security missions. We have no reason to doubt the Turkish Government's word.

Ladies and gentlemen,
The Federal Government supports the international community's goal that everything be done to keep the number of victims of the war in Iraq as low as possible. The main priority must be to prevent the impending humanitarian disaster in Iraq.

The Federal Government is assisting the United Nations in its preparations to provide emergency humanitarian aid – wherever possible at present. Last week, the UN Security Council decided unanimously to resume the Oil-for-Food relief programme. The agreement – reached incidentally with key German assistance – will allow the UN Secretary-General, initially for 45 days, to assume personal control of the aid programme in close cooperation with those responsible on the ground. The Federal Government therefore expects the supplies of food and relief goods already approved by the UN Sanctions Committee to reach their recipients quickly.

However, this will be not nearly enough to overcome the humanitarian crisis which the war has provoked. Secretary-General Kofi Annan has called for United Nations member states to provide generous and swift assistance. Germany is prepared to make available additional resources for humanitarian assistance in Iraq within the UN framework. For example, we have increased the funds earmarked for humanitarian relief from 40 to 80 million euro. A further 10 million euro will be provided for refugee and emergency aid from the budget of the Federal Ministry for Economic Cooperation and Development.

Ladies and gentlemen,
The United Nations must play the central role when it comes to shaping Iraq's future and its new political order once the war has ended. However, I do not believe that we should start speculating now about the details of any possible and necessary reconstruction of Iraq. For "reconstruction" is not just about rectifying the damage done to buildings, oil-drilling facilities and infrastructure. The real reconstruction of a society is not just about granting a few contracts to companies. For this reason alone, it is crucial that the support of the entire international community is mobilized, regardless of who assumes financial responsibility. And it is essential that any reconstruction process is organized under the auspices of the United Nations.

I believe that the following elements will be essential in creating a just and democratic post-war order in Iraq and in the entire region:

Firstly, Iraq's territorial integrity must be preserved. Its independence and political sovereignty must be restored in full.

Secondly, the Iraqi people must determine its own political future. The rights of the minorities living there must be safeguarded.

Thirdly, the country's oil reserves and natural resources must remain in the possession and under the control of the Iraqi people and must benefit them.

Fourthly, a political stabilization process must be initiated in the Middle East which holds out the prospect of a life in peace and prosperity to all peoples living in the region.

Above all, this includes the resolution of the Middle East conflict within a stable peaceful order which guarantees Israel's right to exist and enables the Palestinians to found an independent, viable and democratic state. The key prerequisite for this is the swift publication of the road map drawn up by the so-called Middle East Quartet and its adoption by the parties to the conflict. This involves effectively containing violence, advancing the reform steps in the Palestinian Authority and halting the construction of Israeli settlements.

Ladies and gentlemen,
I have already said that our responsibility goes beyond the current conflict. At its extraordinary meeting on 21 September 2001 following the terrorist attacks on New York and Washington, the European Council decided, among other things, to further develop the Common Foreign and Security Policy and to make the European Security and Defence Policy "operational at the earliest opportunity". As their goal, the European Heads of State and Government named "the integration of all countries into a fair world system of security, prosperity and improved development". We will continue to pursue this objective.

However, we must also recognize that simply proclaiming goals is not enough. Global, cross-border risks are increasing rather than decreasing. The development and proliferation of weapons of mass destruction have assumed even larger dimensions than during the Cold War. We can only counter these risks by adopting a multilateral and holistic approach to security. We must deal with security not only in a political and social or a military sense, but also in a cultural and ecological sense.

At the same time, however, we must stop merely reacting selectively to threats such as weapons of mass destruction. The international community must learn its lesson from the Iraq conflict and that country's possible arms potential and develop new approaches towards strengthening the multilateral arrangements on non-proliferation and arms control and the corresponding verification mechanisms.

No one should be allowed to use as an excuse the argument that if they do not export material that can be used for the production of weapons of mass destruction, then their neighbour will. For this reason we require an immediate further-reaching standardization of the export system within the European Union. This would be an important first step and would also serve as a clear signal to other global players - and above all to potential buyers.

We will not be able to deal with the problem of proliferation by means of moral arguments alone - as essential as these may be. Rather, we require a comprehensive multilateral policy to promote greater security and more justice in the world. Whether it be in the area of free trade, climate protection or the fight against terrorism: multilateralism has not seen its final days. We must make clear that the problems of the 21st century can only be solved through a multilateral approach.

Ladies and gentlemen,
Germany's role in bringing about peace and security lies within the international community, within our alliances and above all within Europe.

The United Nations has by no means become "irrelevant". On the contrary: it will play an important role after the fighting has ended with regard to humanitarian aid and the reconstruction of Iraq. It is our policy to strengthen the United Nations - also through further and far-reaching reforms - as well as to assert the UN's monopoly on the use of force.

We stand by our commitment to the transatlantic alliance. NATO has by no means seen its final days as a common defence alliance and an alliance of mutual assistance. However, we must adapt this alliance so that it can better deal with the new threats and forms of conflict in the world - possibly even more so than we have already done. In any event, NATO must once again become an organization in which intensive consultation between partners takes place, where common analyses are made and constructive preventive measures are taken.

However, if we want our interests and suggestions to gain a better hearing - also within NATO - then we must above all improve Europe's position in this respect, namely by ensuring that Europe speaks with one voice. In the long term, we will not be able to separate our joint efforts to maintain security on the one hand from those to achieve growth, prosperity and increased employment on the other. Already today we are witnessing the extent to which insecurity caused by the war is ruining hopes for economic growth all over Europe.

Of course we know that in this current international crisis Europe has not demonstrated the unity that would have been desirable. However, I ask you to also consider the following: Although governments may not agree on all questions, European public opinion is very much in agreement in rejecting the war.

Ladies and gentlemen,
We are witnessing merely the beginning of the formation of a common foreign and security policy. If we want Europe's voice to be better heard and more effective in the world, then we must be prepared that this will be a prolonged process, and that there will be occasional setbacks. This however does not change the fact that there is no reasonable alternative to our common policy.

Integration was Europe's response to this continent's experience of war and destruction. It would be a fatal error if this integrated Europe would not live up to its responsibilities, precisely in view of the new imbalances in the world. That is why we must develop a foreign and security policy that is truly a common one and that actually puts Europe in a position to assume greater responsibility. This could soon become even more difficult than it already is today, once the EU enlarges from its present 15 to 25 member states. However, this should not be used as an argument for delaying the historic chance to achieve the union of the entire European continent.

Against this background, I have together with the French President Chirac proposed to the European Convention that the office of a European Foreign Minister should be created that would bring together the tasks that are presently assumed by Javier Solana and Chris Patten. The European Foreign Minister is to be charged with the task of determining common European interests and then taking initiatives for joint action. According to our proposal, in most areas matters would be decided on by a qualified majority vote. The Franco-German proposal was positively received by the Convention.

As a result of the tasks that we are charged with as part of our common foreign and security policy, we must give serious consideration to our military capabilities. This does not mean that we should respond to the current crisis by taking the one-dimensional approach of simply increasing our spending on armaments. And we should also not attempt to catch up by all means to a level of funding for our military budgets that would be comparable to that of the United States. Europe should not consider arming itself to assume a role as "world policeman". However, Europe must further develop its military capabilities in order to ensure that these are suitable for carrying out our commitment to and assuming our responsibility for conflict prevention and peacekeeping.

The Belgian Prime Minister has now called a meeting with a view to making further progress on European Security and Defence Policy. Germany and France have also in this area made joint proposals to the European Convention. We advocate closer cooperation on the development of military capabilities, as well as on planning and decision-making structures and the armaments industry.

In this context we are calling for the further development of European Security and Defence Policy into a European Security and Defence Union. In future, a conceivable first step could be to send European troops instead of national ones to participate in United Nations blue-helmet missions.

In this entire discussion, two things are important to me:
Firstly: No one can or should be excluded. The more member states participate in the efforts to achieve progress in our common European Security and Defence Policy, the greater will be the resulting advantages for all of us. I believe it is particularly important that Britain, which in the past has on many occasions provided important impetus for European Security and Defence Policy, should also be closely integrated into this process.

And secondly: The strengthening of European Security and Defence Policy is not directed against NATO, but rather is intended to be of benefit to the alliance and thereby to transatlantic relations - which will also in future continue to be of vital importance to us as Germans and Europeans. A strong Europe is in the interest of both parties, as well as in the interest of the common values that we uphold in the world.

Ladies and gentlemen,
It is certainly correct that the development of our common foreign and security policy is particularly dependent on close Franco-German cooperation. Germany and France remain the driving force behind European integration. The high level of cooperation between our two countries is one of the few positive developments in our current situation.

However, it is just as clear that without the extensive cooperation with Britain and also the other member states of our common Europe, we will not be able to bear the international responsibility that is rightfully expected of us. And it has become equally clear during the current crisis that the approach of seeking close cooperation with Russia based on common principles was correct and points the way forward.

Ladies and gentlemen,
Europe must also help ensure that war-related risks do not derail the entire world economy. Two weeks ago, the European Council gave just the right signal at just the right time: Together with the accession countries, we made clear that within the context of the so-called Lisbon Strategy, the European Union will further increase its capacity for growth with the aim of increasing prosperity and employment despite the difficult present economic situation. This includes further progress on the Internal Market, research and development, the reform of labour markets, education, as well as more effective environmental protection measures.

This strategy is closely linked to our Agenda 2010 programme. We are in need of these reforms, precisely in our current difficult situation. We will implement them rapidly so that we can also preserve our model of a society based on participation and justice for the future.

Thank you.

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