Current developments in South-Eastern Europe and the situation in Macedonia

Policy Statement by Joschka Fischer Federal Minister for Foreign Affairs

Berlin, 6 July 2001

For a few days now, Slobodan Milosevic, the man who lit the

most dangerous and destructive fire in Europe since the end of

the Second World War, has been detained in a prison cell in The

Hague. Milosevic will face charges of crimes against humanity.

This is a victory of the law over violence and a sign of progress

for Europe and the world whose significance can hardly be

overestimated. We are now awaiting the arrest of others on the

wanted list, particularly Karadzic and Mladic.

It began with the suppression policy in Kosovo, with the

attack on Slovenia. It resulted in four bloody Balkan wars,

hundreds of thousands of deaths and millions of expelled persons.

Whilst Milosevic is brought to account for his actions in The

Hague, the seeds sown by his criminal policy continue to

germinate in another region of the Balkans. Macedonia has been on

the verge of civil war for a few months.

For far too long, Europeans were divided and unwilling to use

the instruments required to put a halt to the nationalism

unleashed in Yugoslavia. It was not until after the tragedy of

Srebenica that they understood that the Balkan region is not a

remote part of the world with its own laws but one where their

own security and their own ideals are at stake; that the Balkans

are an integral part of Europe and its security.

There were two things that put an end to Milosevic\'s murderous

strategy and triggered a fundamental turn for the better in

South-Eastern Europe:

the decisive intervention of the international community

first in Bosnia and then in Kosovo, and

the willingness of Europe to offer the Balkan states the

prospect of a future in Europe, the prospect of

integration into Europe. This is the key aim of the

Stability Pact and of all efforts to support the

democratic forces in former Yugoslavia.

This policy has been extremely successful. Today Yugoslavia

and Croatia are on a democratic course. Free, democratic

elections again took place in Albania the Sunday before last.

There will be no more wars and mass violations of human rights in

Kosovo, although, for a long time to come, it will remain

difficult for the different ethnic groups to live side by side.

The same applies to Bosnia. The Stability Pact is taking effect.

This is evident from the agreement of seven Balkan states to

create a free trade area by the end of 2002 and the significant

results of the Donors\' Conference for Yugoslavia.

However, European peace is again under threat in Macedonia

today. The problems there are of a quite different nature to

those in Bosnia and Kosovo. Yet one thing is clear: we have not

fought against the nationalism of a greater Serbia and its

violent policies only to give way to another extreme form of

nationalism.

The tensions in Macedonia, which have made refugees of 100,000

people, are a cause for great concern. If the hard-liners on both

sides prevail, this may lead to a violent aggravation of the

situation or even to civil war. A new basis for co-existence, a

changed democratic constitution in a united state, is fundamental

to peace in Macedonia. This must lie at the core of a political

solution.

All external efforts – the EU and NATO agree on this

point – must aim towards a political solution of this kind.

The François Léotard Mission in Skopje, in close cooperation

with NATO and the new US Special Envoy Pardew provide the

opportunity to give the negotiations new impetus. The Federal

Government has played an active role in these negotiations and

contributed its own proposals. These proposals have met with

broad approval.

A fundamental agreement on the political solution must be

based on essential underlying principles that are also included

in the peace plans of both parties to the conflict, above all:

territorial integrity,

no special status for certain areas, and

a commitment to Macedonia as a multi-ethnic state.

In addition, a political solution should include measures for

confidence-building and integration of the ethnic groups, as well

as agreement about constitutional issues. Here the points of

contention are:

amending the preamble to develop a citizens\'

constitution,

secularizing the state,

establishing the right to use the Albanian language as

one of the official languages of Macedonia,

adding protective clauses to preserve the interests of

the ethnic communities in existential issues.

With the aid of the negotiation team, the Macedonian

Government has drafted a framework document that is still under

discussion. It defines the areas for future negotiations and aims

already to prescribe specific obligations.

The implementation of a political solution will – this

must be clear to all parties – require relevant back-up from

the international community. This central lesson of the past four

Balkan wars must not be forgotten.

President Trajkovski has requested NATO\'s support for the

voluntary disarmament of the NLA. All members of the Macedonian

Government agree to this. The Federal Government is prepared to

make a contribution, within the framework of NATO, under the

following prerequisites:

A solid basic agreement on a political solution to the

problems in Macedonia and renunciation of any military

option. We shall work towards setting the irreversible

course for long-term peace.

Agreement on the cease-fire and its modalities;

A self-obligation of the NLA to surrender weapons

voluntarily.

Yesterday, in unilateral declarations, the NLA and the

Macedonian Government announced a cease of hostilities for today.

If this cease-fire lasts, an initial important prerequisite for

peace in Macedonia will have been met. Nevertheless, it must be

noted that this would mean only one of the three prerequisites

for NATO\'s Essential Harvest operation has been met.

However, not until all three prerequisites have been met can

NATO play a meaningful role. Any false or rash move entails the

risk of actually cementing the boundaries between ethnic

settlements. This would have negative repercussions for the

entire region.

If these prerequisites are met, then Germany cannot and will

not evade its responsibility regarding foreign policy. Any other

option would not only greatly diminish Germany\'s Alliance

capability, but also European capacity to act.

Therefore, we have ensured that preparations for German

involvement in the Essential Harvest operation (potentially

deploying two or so companies) will be initiated and that this

will be taken into consideration in the current NATO planning.

Both companies are to be deployed together with the French

contingent if NATO decides on this deployment after all the

prerequisites have been met and the German Bundestag has given

its approval.

The Federal Armed Forces will be provided with the material

prerequisits for the event of its involvement. Political will and

material capacities are inextricably linked – that is also

one of the lessons that Europe has learned from the crises in

South-Eastern Europe.

Allow me to reiterate that the involvement of the Federal

Armed Forces in the surrender of weapons is only conceivable

under the above conditions. In the view of the Federal

Government, President Trajkovski\'s letter to NATO Secretary

General Robertson, approved by all parties of the coalition

government, is a clear legal basis for this. The Federal

Chancellor promised yesterday to once again inform the chair

persons of the parliamentary groups before a potential adoption

of a resolution in the Cabinet. In the final instance, the

decision on such involvement is a matter for the Bundestag.

It would be unrealistic to exclude the possibility of a

deterioration of the situation in Macedonia, which could entail

different planning by NATO. In this case, we would have to

re-assess the circumstances, also with a view to potential

involvement of the Federal Armed Forces.

Ladies and gentlemen,

The complex problems of South-Eastern Europe are largely

interdependent. The issues relating to Bosnia and Herzegovina,

Montenegro, Kosovo or Macedonia are closely interwoven with the

situation in the respective neighbouring states and regions.

Without the inclusion of these neighbouring states and regions

long-term peaceful co-existence of the peoples in the Balkans

cannot ultimately be realized. Hence, it has been proposed by

various sides to attempt to find a regional overall solution.

There is one decisive factor here: if we speak about an

overall solution, then issues of substance have to be left to the

end – because these issues can hardly be solved peacefully

under present conditions. To begin with, the procedures and rules

must be defined. This was the case with the CSCE process and this

positive experience should also be the basis for action in

South-Eastern Europe. The guiding principles must be non-violence

and respect of borders, human rights and minorities\' rights.

Then a conference process for security and stability could be

contemplated on this kind of basis, but not on the model of the

nineteenth century, that is, not with great powers deciding the

fate of South-Eastern Europe once more, but with a clear view to

drawing the entire region closer to an integrated Europe. It

should be a \'Brussels\' conference rather than a Berlin one. The

Stability Pact should pave the way for this conference.

Ladies and gentlemen,

The decisive lesson to be learned from four terrible, bloody

wars in South-Eastern Europe is this: the Balkans are a part of

Europe. Their future is the central issue of European security

and hence also one of the central issues of the European

integration process. In Macedonia this time we have the great

opportunity to prevent a civil war. We must make every effort to

do so; otherwise we would jeopardize everything that has been

achieved over the past few years.

Germany cannot stand on the sidelines here; this is our

European responsibility. There has been broad consensus on this

point in this house to date. It is a matter of peace in the

Balkans, the future of Europe and the credibility of German

foreign policy.

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