 |
Address by President George H. W. Bush at the Celebration of the Day of German Unity at the German Ambassador’s Residence in Washington, DC
October 3, 2006
Let me start by saying I am very pleased to be with each of you here this evening, celebrating this hopeful milestone. Lord knows, as Helmut will attest, you take enough grief while you are in high office – so I will try not to feel too guilty basking in your approval this evening!
For my part, it was a great honor to represent the American people as, together with our Allies, we helped to roll back the Iron Curtain – and extend the promise of human freedom to millions who had been denied it for too long. Such was certainly the case in Germany 15 years ago, when what was once a distant, dubious dream for separated families – and a cleaved nation – became a sudden reality.
Even as the tectonic plates of geopolitics gave way in the Fall of 1989, and we saw the hopes of the German people cascading over the Berlin Wall, and the march towards unification quickened its pace, it must be noted that the outcome of our efforts at that time were anything but foreordained. If you go back and look, few people outside of Germany wanted unification to happen. Fewer still thought it possible.
So as we pause and reflect on the events in question, I hope this is an occasion visited by satisfaction that our alliance, our political leaders, and most importantly, our people were equal to the historic challenge laid before them.
The point has frequently been made that the 20th Century was the bloodiest in history, and there is no disputing that all war, all bloodshed, is born of human failure.
Yet, if upon reflecting on the hopeful events leading to October 3rd, I hope future generations might look to that period as a time when mankind got it right – when we rose above the recriminations of the past, and broke a chain of human discontent, and resolved our affairs not with rifles, but with reason. For once, mankind did not fall back on a primeval reflex for violence, but instead asserted the “better angels” of human nature.
And in dismantling an obscene wall, and unifying a proud nation, we not only fulfilled the West German Basic Law but also restored man as master of government – no longer a pawn in the schemes of tyrants.
Such celebratory occasions are necessarily marked by gratitude; and here at home, I think first of my predecessor, Ronald Reagan, who met the Soviet challenge head-on and gave me a unique chance to work so closely with the players who would come to shape Europe’s destiny.
I also think of a very fine White House foreign policy team, who debated freely and forcefully – and who served with great honor. Their names are well know to most of you, but let history record that Gen. Brent Scowcroft, Jim Baker, Colin Powell, Dick Cheney, Condi Rice, Bob Gates, Bill Webster, and so many others earned their nation’s thanks – and their President’s – for a job well-done.
I think, too, of every man and women in the Allied Forces who manned the Western Front.
I think of my colleagues on the world stage – Brian Mulroney, Margaret Thatcher, and Francois Mitterrand – whose forceful views and leadership shaped modern-day Europe. As this audience knows, both Margaret and Francois had reservations about a unified Germany. In fact, at one point Mitterrand jokingly told me, “I like Germany so much, I think there should be two of them!”
Still, I often say that I was blessed by the people who were on my team in Washington, but in hindsight I also feel blessed to have worked with such distinguished counterparts during a pivotal time in history. That includes my dear friend, Manfred Worner, who was a great defense minister for the FRG, a staunch supporter of US participation in Europe, and did a superb job leading NATO after that.
Of course, no discussion of German unification could take place without a word of praise for our partner in that risky endeavor, Mikhail Gorbachev. He faced enormous pressures at home; and when the very real prospect of German reunification was first raised, Mikhail warned of the dangers of eating “unripened fruit.” Yet, when the stakes were at their highest, he had the courage of his convictions – and he held fast to the path of political reform, putting the interests of common man before the ambitions of what was clearly a fading empire.
For this, history will be very kind to Mikhail Gorbachev.
Then there’s our host tonight, Helmut Kohl – a valued colleague, a trusted friend. We would not be standing here if it were not for his vision, his tenacity, his singular leadership. My time with you tonight does not permit me to recall each instance where Chancellor Kohl proved his worth, but let me simply express my conviction that history will surely rank him as Europe’s greatest leader in the last half of the 20th Century.
Finally, and most importantly, I think of the German people themselves – whose courage it required to turn a sad page in history, and in a sense forced pen to paper to begin writing anew. To the German people, let me confess this: the leaders in Bonn, and Washington, and London and Paris and Moscow, could only react to events that you, yourselves, were driving from the streets.
When the prospect of unification first emerged, no one – none of us – thought it could be achieved within a few years, let alone a few months. The fact that unification happened as it did is a testament, first and foremost, of the determination of the German people to toss aside the yolk of tyranny, and seize control of your destiny.
Make no mistake: the shouts of “one nation” that we heard in Leipzig in November 1989 still echo through time – and today, I share your joy that Germany, and Europe, remain free and whole.
As long as the United States-Germany partnership remains strong, I have no doubt that Germany’s best days lie ahead – and that truly is a prospect worth celebrating. So thank you for your invitation to be here; good luck to you all; and may God continue to bless the United States and a free, and united, Germany!
|
|
Statements & Speeches
 2007
2006
2005
2004
2003
2002
2001
2000
1999
1998
1997
1996
Newsletters
 Printer-Friendly
Page
Email This Article |
|
|
