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Remarks by October 18, 2001 Thank you very much for your kind words of welcome and thank you for inviting me to speak to the World Affairs Council of Northern California. It is a privilege for me to be here today. This event is actually my first major speaking engagement outside the Washington area. Last week, President Bush conveyed a deeply moving message to the German people and the German Government in response to its solidarity and compassion for America. "America knows that it can rely on its German friends," President Bush said in his message. "Our common democratic traditions, our strong friendship, and our human and material resources make our close partnership one of the world's chief instruments for achieving lasting peace and prosperity in Europe and beyond." German-American solidarity has been remarkable since September 11. As an expression of tangible support, I established a German American solidarity fund at the embassy to benefit those affected by the Sept. 11 attacks. The response was overwhelming. So far, the embassy has raised over 5 million dollars, with donations coming from German and German-American corporations as well as from many private individuals in both countries. Some companies have responded to the embassy's initiative by making major contributions directly to U.S. charities. The total amount of all donations approaches 40 million dollars. Isn't that a fantastic response? These and many other signs of solidarity are not only touching - they also contain a political message: today, the relationship between Germany and the U.S. is stronger and better than ever. September 11 has re-established a common transatlantic sense of purpose, a mission, a joint vision. Europeans and Americans share not only the same values - above all, the dignity and freedom of every human being - but also the same challenges. As Chancellor Schröder put it, the German people consider the September 11 attacks an assault not only on the U.S. but on all open societies. International terrorism threatens security and stability not only in America but also in Europe and worldwide. The tragedy of September 11, as terrible as it was, may therefore turn out to be an opportunity to give new meaning to our transatlantic relationship. In this effort, there are no closer partners than America and Europe. The transatlantic zone of stability and prosperity was and is the indispensable basis for an effective global strategy against terrorism and for a more stable world. Germany made it clear from the very first moment that it is with the U.S. in this campaign. Immediately following the attacks of September 11, Germany declared its full solidarity with the U.S. For the first time in its 50-year history, NATO decided to invoke the famous Article 5, the "alliance clause," which states that an attack against one ally is considered an attack against all NATO members. For decades during the Cold War, the fate of Germany and the freedom of Europe relied on the U.S. Today, we understand that it is now our turn to stand by America. Chancellor Schröder was the first leader of a NATO country to meet with President Bush last week, immediately after the start of the military campaign in Afghanistan. We had a truly great meeting at the White House. The Chancellor reaffirmed our full support for the U.S., not excluding military participation by Germany. Already, NATO AWAC planes from Germany, with German crews and ground personnel, are securing American air space. Germany has taken the lead in the NATO peacekeeping operation Amber Fox in Macedonia. In the Middle East and South Asia, we are multiplying our efforts to strengthen the coalition against terrorism. Today, Foreign Minister Fischer is meeting with political leaders in Pakistan. Next week, he will visit Saudi Arabia, Iran, Israel, and the West Bank. A few days later, the Chancellor will visit Pakistan, India, and China. In addition, Germany has considerably stepped up its humanitarian aid for Afghan refugees. Germany has come a long way over the last decade. Ten years ago, Germany did not actively participate in the Gulf War coalition. Instead, we practiced "check-book diplomacy!" Today, German troops are among the biggest contingents in the peace-keeping efforts to secure stability in the Balkans. Our commitment to participate more actively and visibly as defined by Chancellor Schröder represents a new dimension in the evolution of Germany's foreign policy. Fifty years after the end of World War II, Germany has come of age. As a Washington Times editorial put it some days ago: "Germans have entered into a new era of deeper friendship with the U.S. - and that is good for both nations." In this first phase of the campaign against international terrorism, it may be a bit early to map out a comprehensive strategy. Let me, nevertheless, point out some elements that should be considered as we look for a sustainable long-term strategy: First of all, we should avoid making certain mistakes: First, we must not allow ourselves to be driven into a confrontation between the West and the Islamic world. That would give the terrorists their first strategic victory, because their goal is precisely to lead the world into a war between the West and Islamic civilization. We are fighting terrorists, their supporters, and their sponsors, not the Arab or Islamic world. The campaign against terrorism is not a religious campaign. That is why it is so important to have Arab and Islamic countries in the global coalition against terrorism. Second, we are supposed to fight terrorism. Let us not change the subject while this effort is still getting under way. I strongly disagree with those who argue that we should now direct our efforts against Iraq. Why? Not because Iraq deserves to be protected but because the antiterrorism coalition will probably not survive if our target is no longer terrorism but Saddam Hussein's regime. If we are serious about fighting terrorism, let's not now be distracted in this campaign. Now, what should be done? Let me talk about four points: First, we need a comprehensive, long-term strategy if we want to get to the roots of terrorism. International terrorism is a complex phenomenon with political, economic, social, and ideological causes. Our response must not be one-dimensional. The military element, in my view, is not even the decisive element. While military force will continue to be an important factor, police and law enforcement activities as well as political and economic measures will be even more important in the long run. By the way, do we all understand that victory in the classic military sense is not going to be possible in this type of war? Let's be clear: terrorism as a phenomenon will not disappear from the earth. At best, we may hope to be able to radically limit the scope and activities of international terrorism. Second, the broad coalition of more than 40 countries so skillfully put together is not really needed for military purposes. It is much more important when it comes to tracking and destroying terrorist networks wherever they may be. That requires sharing information, drying up financial sources, and controlling the flow of weapons and technology. The close cooperation between German and American law enforcement authorities over the past few weeks has demonstrated that we are on the right track. Next week, Otto Schily, the German minister responsible for domestic security and intelligence will be in Washington to consult with Attorney General Ashcroft, the FBI, and Tom Ridge, the new chief of homeland security. Third, we must address regional conflicts and their sources in a much more determined and comprehensive manner than in the past, in particular in the Middle East and Central Asia. Developing and implementing an effective strategy for regional conflict prevention and conflict management will have to be a major element of our common agenda in the years to come. We must intensify our support for democracy and promote economic development in countries where repression, poverty, and alienation provide breeding grounds for terrorists and their ideology. Prosperous and democratic countries are the most reliable allies in our fight against terrorism. As long as we do not tackle the underlying causes of terrorism, our struggle will have only limited success. The EU has strong ties with the Arab world. We can help these countries to shore up their economies and to cope more effectively with organized crime and terrorism. September 11 has shown that if we do not visit our unstable neighborhoods, they will visit us. Fourth, we must pay particular attention to the Middle East. Chancellor Schröder and President Bush last week agreed it is vital that we put the peace process back on track. Clearly, the long-term cohesion of the coalition will depend on our ability to stabilize this highly volatile region. The EU is prepared to play a more active role in that respect. The EU is the most important trading partner for most Middle Eastern states and by far the greatest source of financial assistance. We can use this relationship as we try to help the poorest of the poor in the Arab world and as we work together to create a real prospect for peace in the Middle East. In fact, I do believe that, if there ever was both a window of opportunity and an urgent and political need for a bold new international Middle East initiative, that time is now. Never before have the positions of the United States, Europe, and Russia been so close. A broad strategy on terrorism will only work if it is implemented by a broad coalition which includes a large number of states. Terrorism does not respect national borders. It has become a transnational problem. Islamic extremism is not limited to the vast area from Northern Africa to Central and South Asia. You can also find it in Bosnia, Kosovo, Chechnya, the Philippines, Indonesia, and many other places in the world, even in Germany and the U.S. We need a multilateral approach. That is why a broad coalition against terrorism should include as many countries from the Arab and Muslim world as possible. We will need to continue these multilateral efforts within both the UN and NATO and possibly also within other international and regional fora. Global terrorism needs a global political response. Only multilateralism can provide the degree of legitimacy that is needed to hold this broad coalition against terrorism together over an extended period of time. In this respect, it is most welcome that the UN and Kofi Annan have been awarded the Nobel Peace Prize. It is good that President Bush has talked about a role for the UN in the long-term stabilization of Afghanistan. It is good that the UN is not being ignored by Washington. It was good to see how the Bush Administration took the fight against terrorism to the UN Security Council immediately after September 11 and how easy it was to obtain very useful and very strong language in the Security Council resolution, which was quickly adopted. It is good to see how the international institutions which we ourselves have created and the international agreements and obligations into which we have entered, including those on the issue of terrorism, can be properly and effectively used. From the German point of view, this is good multilateralism, and I welcome this new development. Shouldn't this multilateral approach also apply when it comes to bringing terrorists and their leaders to justice? Wouldn't it make sense if terrorists and their sponsors could be brought to justice before an internationally recognized criminal court? Finally, the global coalition against terrorism offers tremendous new opportunities for relations between the West and other important players, such as Russia and China. It can bring us together in a new spirit of cooperation, which may help us to solve issues that for so long seemed impossible to address. As an example, President Vladimir Putin has seized the opportunity to align himself with the U.S. and European position on terrorism, thus drawing his country closer to the West. It may well be that the Russian willingness to actively participate in this coalition will dramatically change the nature of our relationship with the Russian Federation. Likewise, there appear to be very interesting opportunities to work with Iran. It is quite possible to imagine that the U.S. policy of dual containment with respect to Iran and Iraq may soon change. Thus, the tragedy of September 11 may lead to a new awareness of the need to think and act globally. It may also lead to a number of opportunities that may be worth exploring in the interest of peace, stability, and prosperity. We must try to understand that if we ignore failing states in Africa or elsewhere, we will do so at our own peril. If we ignore mass poverty in parts of Asia, the Arab world, and elsewhere, we place our own stability and security at risk. That is the lesson of September 11. If we do not try to find answers to starvation and frustration in these parts of the world, anger and frustration will be brought to our own doorsteps. We Europeans learned during the last decade that if we did not try to create peace in the Balkans, the instabilities of the Balkan region would spill over into our own countries. In 1993, we had within a matter of months almost half a million Bosnian refugees in Germany. Today, Americans are learning a much more dramatic lesson. Even the North American continent cannot be entirely isolated from the rest of the world. That is why we must now recommit ourselves to addressing the sources of anger, civil war, starvation, and religious fundamentalism. It must be our highest priority. We face tremendous challenges to which we must find an appropriate response. However, there is no reason to be fainthearted. Germany, Europe, and the U.S. prevailed in the Cold War on the basis of their common values. Francis Fukuyama recently pointed out that modernity and its values - human rights, democracy, and market economy - are a powerful freight train that will not be derailed by recent events. I think he is right. If we show the same steadfastness, moral strength, and strategic patience that we did during the Cold War, we will also master the difficult road that now lies ahead. Let me conclude by reading to you an e-mail that a young American soldier serving on the USS Winston Churchill sent to his father shortly after September 11. I know of no better testimony to the present state of the German-American relationship: "Dear Dad, As they were making their approach, our officer, looking through her binoculars, announced that they were flying an American flag. As they came even closer, we saw that it was flying at half-mast. The ship came up alongside, and we saw that the entire crew of the German ship were manning the rails, in their dress blues. They had made up a sign that was displayed on the side that read 'We stand by you.' Needless to say there was not a dry eye on the bridge as they stayed alongside us for a few minutes. It was probably the most powerful thing I have seen in my entire life and more than a few of us fought to retain our composure. It was a beautiful day outside today. The German Navy did an incredible thing for this crew, and it has truly been the highest point in the days since the attacks. It's amazing to think that only a half-century ago things were quite different, and to see the unity that is being demonstrated throughout Europe and the world makes us all feel proud to be out here doing our job." |
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