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"Strengthening NATO's Ability to Act" October 25, 2006 The German-Atlantic Society has been working for 50 years to help firmly establish NATO in society. At its celebration in Berlin, Federal Chancellor Angela Merkel spoke on the future tasks facing the transatlantic alliance: stabilization of Afghanistan, preventing the further spread of weapons of mass destruction, cooperation with Russia, and the EU. Colleague Ruprecht Polenz, Let me very warmly congratulate the German Atlantic Society on its 50th anniversary. I am pleased that so many of us could gather here today to look back on these 50 years and above all also to look a bit into the future. For decades the German Atlantic Society has been making an important contribution to firmly establishing NATO in society. It informs the public on NATO policy and regularly explains its objectives and instruments to interested citizens. When we look back on the past 50 years, we realize that was not always easy. Today NATO is perceived in Germany and also by a great many people worldwide as a guarantor of peace, security, and stability – a guarantor that stands on freedom and democracy, human rights, and the rule of law. We must also face the fact that there are places in the world where this acceptance must be improved. That too will be a task for the future. The positive perception of NATO held by a large number of Germans is also attributable to the German Atlantic Society and its information and communication work. I would therefore like to express my very warm thanks to all those who have had a part in this. Ladies and Gentlemen, security in Europe and the world — which NATO Secretary General De Hoop Scheffer also just discussed — today faces a host of completely new, above all also asymmetric threats. It was a good and important sign today that after 12 years the German Government has again adopted a white paper which defines a new security concept, examines the new threats, and above all also emphasizes the need to work together in order to ensure security. It also includes a military component. The political perspective, the perspectives of civil society and nongovernmental organizations, and the creation of institutions – all these elements play a role in tackling asymmetric threats. International terrorism, proliferation of weapons of mass destruction, regional conflicts, instable states, or even the collapse of government orders have consequences for us today that are often hardly foreseeable and difficult to weigh. While the threat situation may have changed in comparison with the Cold War era, one thing nevertheless has not: NATO is and remains the anchor of German security and defense policy. It is and will remain the central venue for the transatlantic security-policy dialogue. That I can say "it will remain that way" is also due the fact that, in my view, NATO has impressively proven it is confronting the changed world situation. The threat to our own security can no longer be geographically isolated today. The peace-support measures of the Alliance are taking this into account. Ladies and Gentlemen, I was also just briefly talking with the NATO Secretary General about preparation of the summit in Riga at the end of November. I think this summit will offer an outstanding opportunity to report on the progress achieved to date. For the face of NATO has changed a great deal by the admission of 10 states from the former East Bloc. Here, incredible work has been and is still being done integrating these countries. At the last NATO summits in Prague and Istanbul, the political and military transformation of the Alliance got well underway. Since then some progress has been achieved, for example in the operational readiness of the NATO Response Force. NATO's ability to act should now be further strengthened in Riga – and our consultations will serve that end. NATO's ability to act has, of course, above all also been proven in its individual missions. The subject of Afghanistan will therefore also be at the center of individual discussions in Riga. I believe I can say – and in this we are agreed – that the stabilization of Afghanistan is currently one of the greatest challenges facing NATO and its member states. It is in a sense a litmus test for successful crisis management and a NATO capable of taking action. Since I have mentioned that today, I also have to comment on a current event. We saw, or had to see images today that are shocking, repulsive, and cannot be excused in any way. The German Government will investigate and take rigorous steps against the soldiers who were involved. Such conduct cannot be excused in any way. But the missions in Afghanistan are necessary. Germany has proven that it understands its responsibility in these missions in Afghanistan, in respect to both ISAF and Enduring Freedom and also beyond. Yet we also meanwhile know that military measures alone are not enough to stabilize Afghanistan. The German Government has therefore set a course in a comprehensive plan for Afghanistan that extends well beyond the military component. I believe we also owe it to our soldiers to integrate the military component into other areas, in order also ultimately to achieve real political success. Guiding us in this effort is the comprehensive security concept which I already mentioned and which has now also been established as a white paper. Reasonable reconstruction will only be achieved in concert with civilian efforts. I believe in many areas we also have to have much more staying power than we sometimes envisage at the start of a mission. We have to think from the perspective of the people in Afghanistan. The people there above all have to sense a change for the better. They have to recognize that it is worthwhile to set a course, together with the international community, for more democracy and the rule of law. That, of course, will also have to be accomplished through military components wherever it is not possible to achieve otherwise. But it also entails a great deal of persuasion and a great deal of knowledge of the local culture. I am just using this as an example for many other missions which also lie ahead of us or which we are tackling. Ladies and Gentlemen, NATO enlargement has strengthened security and stability in Europe. Even more so, it has created important incentives for democratization and economic and societal reforms in other aspirant countries. This process should and will continue. Albania, Croatia, and Macedonia have made progress on their path into the Alliance. But they also still have a way to go. Stability in the Western Balkans remains indispensable to stability in Europe as a whole. I think we had to painfully learn this in the nineties. For this reason I would like to encourage those countries by no means to let up in their reform efforts. Moving closer to the Alliance will depend on visible and measurable progress and, of course, on conformity with the values of the Alliance – that has always been of critical importance to NATO. It also entails the ability and the will to find a peaceful solution to conflicts. And in this spirit NATO will continue its "intensified dialogue" with Ukraine and Georgia. Ladies and Gentlemen, since 1990 the network of NATO partnerships has represented a vital chapter in the successes of the "new" NATO. These partnerships are not only an expression of our commitment to the stability of Europe as a whole and cooperative security. These partnerships have also created the basis for NATO now to be able to face global challenges successfully. In doing so, we continue to rely on proven practical cooperation in the scope of operations. It is my conviction that creating new structures would, on the other hand, be the wrong course. It is especially important to more actively engage Russia. In my view, we should use the NATO-Russia Council more intensively than we have done so far: to build confidence, prepare joint missions, and ultimately also to cooperate in protecting against dangers and threats. It is always better to talk with each other, also to talk openly with each other about differing perceptions, than to ignore or talk past each other. We are relying on closer cooperation with regional and international organizations – with the United Nations, for example, or, in the case of Darfur, with the African Union. Another important aim of the German Government – and this too we have both just discussed – is to intensify cooperation between NATO and the EU. We must and will take this up quickly, as the Kosovo example has shown. The EU would like to assume responsibility for the police and judicial sphere there once the status talks have been concluded. NATO will also continue to be indispensable to ensuring security. But then, the EU and NATO will be working side by side, and that has to work. We will therefore do everything in our power during the German presidency in the first half of 2007 also to create the conditions to make it happen. It cannot be that time and again frictions result in ultimately unsatisfactory cooperation. And it has to be said that currently it is not satisfactory. Ladies and Gentlemen, transatlantic relations, along with European integration, remain an immovable pillar of German foreign and security policy. Our relationship with the United States of America, which is based on trust and friendship, has historically been of very special importance to us Germans. But it will also remain so in the future. A reliable transatlantic alliance is absolutely indispensable to us. I am convinced that it is indispensable not only to us but also to the United States of America. The transatlantic alliance ultimately serves European interests as much as it does American interests. We stand for the shared values of freedom and democracy, for peace and friendship. Over decades the United States, together with other European partners, kept alive the hope of German reunification in peace and freedom. Not only has the dream of reunification become a reality but also Europe as a whole is moving ever closer together. Like me, many millions of Europeans very personally experienced after 1989 what it means to belong to this transatlantic community of shared values. Democracy, liberty, respect for human rights, constitutional and democratic control of government power, commitment to the peaceful coexistence of nations – these values of the Atlantic Alliance were and remain the basis also for building a free and common Europe. I think we can say – some things we have already come to take for granted so much that we very seldom express them – that the unification of Europe in freedom would not have been possible without the presence and commitment of America on our continent. To me, a united Europe is therefore not about establishing a counterweight to the United States of America but rather about demonstrating partnership and friendship, which does not rule out the possibility of also holding a different view on certain points or of frankly voicing one's opinion. A strong America is in the interest of Europe. A strong EU, with the will to actively shape policies and the readiness and ability also to implement them, is in the interest of America. Given the new challenges of the 21st century – and above all given the many challenges beyond Europe and the United States of America – we should consolidate all of our strengths. We know that the fight against international terrorism will remain the core task for a long while. Terrorism does not distinguish between nationality, origin, skin color, or religion. As the NATO Secretary General just said, terrorism has no face. It is inhuman and threatens us all. Working cooperation within the international community is and remains critical to the success of countermeasures. Here too it is also true that we will not win this fight with military means alone. Rather, we must win the hearts and minds of the people. That is why it is so important particularly in the fight against terrorism to respect and strengthen basic values – values such as education, freedom of information, freedom of expression, the rule of law, democracy, and respect for human rights overall. Ladies and Gentlemen, international efforts are focused on the Middle East peace process – a fact that we particularly witnessed this last summer. It was not easy for us to decide in favor of Germany's military contribution to the stabilization of Lebanon. We discussed it a great deal. It is a completely new move for Germany to engage in a region that is so intricately interwoven with our own history. But we are convinced that a good future for the Middle East is also of high interest to our own security in Europe. As a responsible European partner, we are therefore playing an active part in the United Nations mission. But just as we are playing an active part in the UNIFIL mission, we are also engaging in the political process. For here too it is true that military stabilization alone will not achieve our goal, rather political processes are also needed. The one cannot succeed without the other. Here too again, very close cooperation between the European Union and the United States will be necessary. I think that, for example, the Middle East Quartet could offer a basis finally to achieve progress again, at least in the Israeli-Palestinian conflict. I say that with a certain degree of concern: We must not conclude from the current cease-fire and work within the UNIFIL mission that we do not have to tend to the political process. It will therefore be necessary – and Germany will also endeavor to play an active part here during its EU presidency – to guide this conflict gradually to a solution. We all know how difficult that will be. On Iran, our common line is unmistakable: There cannot be an Iranian nuclear weapons program. This case too has shown that if there is to be progress at all, it will only happen within an international community, which in this case, by the way, extends beyond the European Union and America. It is regrettable that Iran so far has not shown a willingness to meet the demands of the international community. We therefore have no choice but to go the route of a sanctions resolution in the UN Security Council. Here too it is again a very positive development that this course has so far been taken jointly by the permanent members of the Security Council. The authority of the Security Council must be preserved – and this too is vitally important in this context. The Iranian Government knows that the door to negotiations remains open. But it cannot be that no response is coming for months on end. Ladies and Gentlemen, the German Government is determined to intensify the transatlantic dialogue at all levels. Decision makers are not the only ones who should talk to each other. The dialogue within civil society, especially among young people, is equally important – and I say that with all urgency, particularly after the end of the Cold War. Youth and student exchange in particular fosters mutual understanding and the prosperous coexistence of open societies. I was therefore also very delighted to learn that the German Atlantic Society has spawned new offspring today. The Youth Atlantic Treaty Organization was founded only a few hours ago. This underscores that young people also are engaging in such an important field as security policy. That you have so many young members also shows young people today have a clear sense that security-policy issues have not lost their importance with the end of the Cold War. Rather, we now face entirely new tasks. I therefore wish all those who are participating in the Youth Atlantic Treaty Organization the best of success, much enjoyment, strength, and creativity. Ladies and Gentleman, there are many among you who, it clearly goes without saying, have contributed a great deal to the transatlantic partnership. Unfortunately I cannot mention all of you, nor all the businesses, some of which also have displays in the atrium. But economic cooperation is, of course, also one of the major pillars of transatlantic relations. We will therefore also try to do everything necessary to intensify economic integration and to create a politically sound business environment. Over 3,000 German companies are active in the United States. They are thereby securing nearly three-quarters of a million jobs. The United States is in turn the largest foreign investor in Germany and employs over a half million people. Our combined trade volume is roughly $100 billion. It is also interesting to note that every year over 8 million people travel back and forth between the United States and Germany. One and a half million e-mails are exchanged daily between our countries. So you see, there is a very close interdependence. But we in Europe also know that we have to fight to remain a partner of the United States of America. I am therefore pleased that, particularly when it comes to innovation and research, major American companies also see a place for themselves again in Germany. We also want to promote that. To that end, we need free trade. A commitment to free trade is important. Here, it is also up to the European Union. For if we were to respond to the challenges of globalization with protectionism, then that would be precisely the wrong course. Ladies and Gentlemen, allow me to say that our partnership rests on a solid foundation. This foundation has also proved its resilience time and again – especially also when dealing with difficult issues, such as environmental protection, the Kyoto Treaty, or appropriate means in the fight against terrorism, to name but a few. I can assure you through my experience as chancellor that our talks have always been marked by mutual trust and a good faith effort to come to common positions in political dialogues and to discuss very openly and candidly with each other. We must continue to intensify this transatlantic dialogue at all levels. Nothing would be worse than to turn our backs on each other whenever we do not share the same opinion. This dialogue will be successful above all when it finds support beyond the political decision makers in all segments of society. You represent that. That is also the reason why I am very happy to be able to speak here today on the anniversary of the German Atlantic Society. Your large attendance today shows we need not fear that you lack the motivation to tackle the next 50 years of the German Atlantic Society. Let me thank the president, vice president, all those responsible for this event, and all the members of the German Atlantic Society. I wish you much strength and energy and a pleasant celebration today. October 24, 2006
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