"Can the UN face the challenges of the 21st century? – The need for South African-German cooperation" - Speech by the Foreign Minister Joschka Fischer, University of Cape Town, October 31, 2003

I would like to thank you for your invitation to the University of Cape Town. I'm very delighted to speak to you today. It is a special honour for me to speak here in the Willy Brandt Chair, named after one of the great German politicians: foreign minister, chancellor and leader of the Social Democratic Party.

Twenty-six years ago, in 1977, Willy Brandt became Chairman of the Independent Commission on International Development Issues, more commonly known as the North-South or Brandt Commission. The development policy report that he presented to the United Nations three years later received great international attention.

In his introduction, Willy Brandt wrote: (quote) "Our Report is based on what appears to be the simplest common interest: that mankind wants to survive (...). This not only raises the traditional questions of peace and war, but also of how to overcome world hunger, mass misery and alarming disparities between the living conditions of rich and poor. If reduced to a simple denominator, this Report deals with peace." (unquote)

This was very farsighted. When we are thinking about securing peace in the 21st century, this is exactly how we have to move forward.

The key issue that concerned Willy Brandt two decades ago is just as pressing now, at the beginning of the 21st century: How can we successfully combat hunger and disease? Which institutions and instruments do we need to manage conflicts – or, better still, to prevent crises from emerging in the first place? How can more than six billion people on this planet live together in peace?

Following the end of the Cold War, the question of peace and security has assumed a new dimension. The end of the Cold War was a radical break with the old world order. The types of crises and conflicts fundamentally changed. For with the disappearance of the Iron Curtain the bipolar world order crumbled. This world order had led to the division of Europe, which lasted for 40 years. And it had subsumed almost all conflicts around the world under the primary confrontation between the two superpowers. This was in particular the case with the conflicts and wars here in Africa.

Today, a three-level structure has emerged in the place of this confrontation. At the top are the big powers, especially the United States of America as the sole remaining global power, and their alliances. In the middle are the regional powers and their conflicts of interest. The crisis in the Middle East is perhaps currently the most dangerous conflict of this type. On the bottom level are the "failing states", countries plagued by civil war and over which their governments have no meaningful control.

The phenomenon of failing states can be found on all continents. In Africa its devastating effects are especially clearly felt. It has its roots in Africa’s colonial past and the present living conditions, often characterized by hunger and poverty. Academics consider one quarter of all states south of the Sahara to be affected by this phenomenon. Somalia is a tragic example, a country which has not been subject to state control for over a decade.

The first to suffer the consequences of a collapse of state structures are the inhabitants of the state itself. Neighbouring countries and entire regions are then often destabilized. The bloody conflict in the Democratic Republic of the Congo which has already dragged on for over a decade – often called Africa's "first world war" – shows the horrendous proportions that can be reached by those conflicts.

The potential that failing states have to endanger our global security was illustrated dramatically by September 11. The terrorists used Afghanistan, a failed state, as a territorial base for their horrible assault on the citizens and the government of the United States. September 11 also highlighted the asymmetry of the new conflicts: Al Qaida's attack on New York and Washington did not target the US's strategic potential. The terrorists' intention was and is rather to spread as much panic and insecurity as possible through the economies and societies of the western world.

These asymmetrical threats force us to seek new responses. Because the security of us all is concerned, we must not allow regional conflicts to emerge, escalate and spread unhindered. We cannot stand idly by while states unravel into civil war and disintegration. The Great Lakes region, Côte d'Ivoire, Nigeria, the Sudan, Ethiopia and Eritrea – these are areas that present us with grave challenges.

One thing is certain: stockpiling armaments – as in the Cold War – will not counter the new threat. We need a comprehensive security concept which includes not only military elements but also economic, democratic and cultural aspects as well as human rights, the rule of law and good governance. Security issues cannot be separated from economic and social issues. Our efforts to build security and peace are condemned to failure if they do not also tackle hunger and poverty, stop the spread of HIV and AIDS, preserve the natural resources on which life depends and call for the respect of human rights and access to education. Especially education is crucial in the 21st century and a global economy which will be knowledge-based.

Almost no other continent suffers so much under these dangers as Africa. We must not be blind to this fact. We must build a basis on which people around the world may live in dignity, free from violence, oppression and misery.

For this we need a system of global cooperative security. I am convinced that the development of such a system will be our key political task for the 21st century.

This task can only be completed multilaterally, that is, if nations work together. I know that South Africa shares our commitment to a multilateral foreign policy. Our two states firmly believe that only by an effective multilateralism can we prevent crises, promote economic progress and ensure the respect of human rights on all continents.

We also agree that the United Nations has an outstanding role to play, as it possesses an indispensable resource, and this is legitimacy. Only the United Nations can justify the use of military means – when it is absolutely necessary as a last resort, as an ultima ratio. The UN, with its numerous subsidiary organizations, has at its disposal the instruments needed to bring about security, peace and development. It has over the decades acquired experience of conflict prevention, crisis management, nation building and reconstruction. Today a great African statesman, Secretary-General Kofi Annan, is the face the public associates with the credibility and experience of the United Nations.

All the nations in the world of the 21st century need the United Nations, even the most powerful ones. That is one of the experiences of the Iraq crisis. But can the United Nations actually do what we expect of it? Our demands are indeed great – both as regards preserving peace and combating poverty and under-development.

This holds especially true with regard to crisis management in Africa. This year the Security Council has again devoted some two thirds of its time to the African continent. The largest UN-led missions are in Africa. Two thirds of all UN blue helmets are deployed on this continent. The Security Council has just issued a mandate for one of the biggest peace missions ever in an African country – Liberia. We support these efforts in our work as a non-permanent member of the UN Security Council.

We also look to the United Nations with regard to another challenge: giving the youth of Africa a perspective for a better future. It is my conviction that the success of this endeavour will depend to a great extent on opening the markets of the North for the products of the South. I therefore regret that the WTO round in Cancun did not achieve the progress we had all hoped for. It was a defeat for us all. I don't share the view of some NGOs. South Africa and Germany, the EU, Brazil, North America, China, Japan – we can all live with bilateral trade agreements. But in a globalized world, especially small countries cannot. And if it was the message of Cancun that there are new players, that is a good message.

We must strengthen the United Nations' ability to act so that it can fulfil its tasks. This need is most pressing. We must all reflect on how best to reform the organs and instruments of the United Nations in order to cope with the challenges of the 21st century.

Many people feared that the United Nations would lose significance following the war on Iraq. This is not a worry that I share. It is rather my opinion that the UN will emerge from this difficult episode stronger than before. Recent events have indeed shown us all just how indispensable a functioning and effective world organization is.

The UN Security Council still reflects – in its rules and membership – the world of 1945, when the UN was founded. The General Assembly, where more than 190 states are represented today, clearly shows that this world has dramatically been changed by decolonization and the end of the Cold War. The UN needs to be adapted to these realities of the 21st century in order to fulfill its tasks effectively.

Therefore, three prime questions are at the centre of the reform process:
• Firstly, how can the instruments of the United Nations be strengthened and made more effective?
• Secondly, how must the rules that the community of states follows be amended to provide effective responses to the new asymmetrical threats?
• And thirdly, how can we ensure that all regions of the world are fairly represented on the Security Council?

In his speech to the General Assembly in September 2003 the Secretary-General of the United Nations called on the member states to finally tackle these urgent issues. A panel of high-level experts is to submit proposals on the reform of the UN before the next session of the General Assembly. Member states are then to decide on the steps to be taken.

The reform course pursued by the Secretary-General deserves our firm support. We know that this conviction is shared by your country. We should examine how we can cooperate on reforming the United Nations to equip it for the future.

The African continent in particular has in the past years shown us just how effectively and successfully the work of the United Nations can be supported by regional cooperation.

With great respect and admiration we have witnessed South Africa's active transformation into one of the important guardians of Africa's interests following the end of apartheid. Together with other African nations, the new South Africa has over the past years assumed responsibilities for managing crises on the African continent in a most inspiring way. I hope that the South African government will be successful in brokering a peace agreement for Burundi in the meeting that takes place in Pretoria just now. Your country thus now plays a crucial role in the success of regional and global solutions.

This can be seen above all in its contributions to peace-keeping operations in Africa. Above all, South Africa’s impressive commitment in the crisis region around the Great Lakes has shown the world that "African ownership" has now become the guiding principle of security policy from Casablanca to Cape Town and from Durban to Cairo.

This principle is embodied by the African Union. In its reform South Africa played a pioneering role. The African Union represents an African future shaped by democratization and good governance. With the founding of the Peace and Security Council the groundwork for an even more active security policy is laid. We in the European Union in particular are following the development of the African Union with great interest and sympathy.

Following the initiative of President Mbeki, the African states are forging a new path into the future with the New Partnership for Africa's Development. We firmly support this initiative. What makes it so credible is its comprehensive character. For NEPAD is not just about development, but also about the peaceful settlement of disputes, good governance and respect of human rights as prerequisites for sustainable development. The positive international response to the NEPAD initiative confirmed that multilateral action is the principle of the future. South Africa is playing a leading role. In Germany and in Europe we must examine how we can support South Africa's endeavours for security and stability on the African continent even better.

Your country has become indispensable outside Africa as an advocate and voice for the entire developing world. It has become one of Europe's principal partners in the search for common solutions to international problems. The World Conference against Racism in Durban, the World Summit on Sustainable Development in Johannesburg and the World AIDS Conference have proven what South Africa can accomplish. I am convinced that South Africa's weight in the United Nations will increase further still and I hope that we can enhance our cooperation yet further.

German-South African cooperation has proven its value, as we see here in the University of Cape Town. Two years ago South Africans and Germans together established the Willy Brandt Chair in social transformation studies. I am particularly glad that in addition to the Universities of Cape Town and Stellenbosch, the University of the Western Cape is also involved in this joint project. South African and German academics are working side by side to research how societies succeed in developing into modern democracies.

Before we open the discussion, permit me to quote Willy Brandt once more. In his report he optimistically concluded, notwithstanding all the crises and problems, that (quote) "mankind has never before had such ample technical and financial resources for coping with hunger and poverty. The immense task can be tackled once the necessary collective will is mobilized." (unquote)

Let me underline: Only with this collective will can we solve the problems of the 21st century. Only with this collective will can we ensure progress, development and security together in a globalized world.

I firmly believe that South Africans and Germans will work together to help realize this great vision of Willy Brandt.

Thank you for listening. I look forward to a lively discussion.
published: Friday 31.10.03

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